I  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY,  | 
^  Princeton,  N.  J.  .   ,  ^ 

^  /  // '   # 


>30<^=5>eC' 


BV  710  .S991  1843   c.l 
Smyth,  Thomas,  1808-1873. 
Ecclesiastical  republicanism 


>v 


J- 


ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM; 


REPUBLICANISM,  LIBELllITY,  AND  CATHOLICITY 


•7  t^"  c--"  ' 

IN    CONTRAST   WITH  *%«# 


PRELACY    AND    POPERY. 


BY  THOMAS  SMYTH. 


AUTHOR    OF    fECTURSS    ON    THli   APOSTOLICAL   STJCOESSION  ;    PRESBTTERl   AND 

NOT    PRELACY    THE    SCRIPrORAL    AND    PRIMITIVE    POLITY  ; 

ECCLESIASTICAL       CATECHISM,       ETC. 


PUBLISHED: 


BOSTON,     CROCKER    AND    BREWSTER;      NEW   YORK,     ROBERT     CARTER,     JONATHAN 

LEAVITT,     AND     WILEY     AND      PUTNAM;       PHILADELPHIA,     J.      WHETHAM     AND 

SON,     WILLIAM     S.    MAKTIEN,     AND     PERKINS     AND     PURVES  ;      CINCINNATI, 

WEED    AND    WILSON;     PITTSBURGH,    THOMAS     CARTER;     CHARLESTON, 

S.      HAKT,      SEN.,     AND      M:  CARTER     AND     ALLEN; 

LONDON,     WILEY     AND     PUTNAM. 


1843. 


itered  accorOing  to  Act  ot  Congress,  in  the  year  One  Thousand  Eight  Hundred  and  Forty-Three,  by 

CROCKER     &     BREWSTER, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


S.    N.    DICKINSON,    PRINTKR, 
No.  52   •Wnshiu^ton  Street. 


TO    THE 


HONOEABLE   MITCHELL   KING, 


OF   CHARLESTON,  S.  C. 


THIS  WORK, 


IN    VINDICATION    OF    THE    CHURCH    OF    HIS    FATHERS, 


IS   RESPECTFULLY  AND  AFFECTIONATELY  INSCRIBED. 


THE   AUTHOR. 


^*^^r%r^.^''            .-/           ^^ 

*.y    ^,  -f  i\  -^ 

f"2^'        ,.^t> 

L.u.^^^'^--' 

'**fcVw,^-»<^'^'' 


PREFACE. 


The  following  work  may  require  some  explanation 
and  some  apology.  The  author  has  been  for  some 
years  engaged  in  a  careful  examination  of  the  subject 
of  church  government,  especially  in  reference  to  the 
claims  of  prelacy  to  an  exclusive  possession  of  the 
rights,  privileges,  and  immunities  of  the  church  of 
Christ.  He  was  thus  led  to  publish  his  '  Lectures  on 
the  Prelatical  Doctrine  of  Apostolical  Succession,  or 
the  Protestant  Ministry  Defended  against  the  Exclusive 
Assumptions  of  Popery  and  High-Churchism,'  in  1841. 
This  work  he  followed  up,  according  to  his  original 
design,  by  his  recent  volume,  just  issued  from  the 
press,  '  Presbytery  and  not  Prelacy  the  Scriptural  and 
Primitive  Polity,  proved  from  the  Testimonies  of  Scrip- 
ture ;  the  Fathers ;  the  Schoolmen ;  the  Reformers ; 
and  the  English  and  Oriental  Churches.  Also,  the 
Antiquity  of  Presbytery;  including  an  Account  of  the 
Ancient  Culdees,  and  of  St.  Patrick.'  In  pursuing  the 
investigations  necessary  to  complete  these  works,  the 
1* 


VI 


author  was  led  to  discover  the  determined  claim,  pre 
ferrod  by  the  prelatic  and  Romish  churches,  to  a  greater 
conformity,  in  spirit  and  in  order,  to  our  republican 
institutions  than  any  other  denominations,  as  well  as  to  a 
greater  liberality,  and  an  exclusive  catholicity.  He  was 
therefore  induced  to  comprehend  in  the  plan  of  the  above 
work,  a  discussion  of  these  questions,  and  to  examine 
into  the  comparative  adaptation  of  the  different  ecclesi- 
astical systems  to  the  system  of  our  republican  govern- 
ment, and  their  relative  claims  to  the  character  of  true 
liberality  and  catholicity.  Tlie  following  chapters  were 
therefore  embodied  as  a  part  of  the  third  book  of  the 
above  work,  where  they  are  found  in  the  analysis  of  it, 
which  was  published  in  the  Charleston  Observer.  It 
was  discovered,  however,  that  this  work  was  sufficiently 
extensive  without  these  chapters,  and  as  they  were  not 
necessary  to  the  unity  of  the  argument,  the  author  was 
induced,  by  the  advice  of  judicious  friends,  to  publish 
them  in  a  separate  form. 

Such,  then,  is  the  nature  and  design  of  the  present 
volume,  and  such  the  apology  which  the  author  offers, 
for  again  presenting  himself  before  the  public.  The 
subjects  embraced  in  it  are  believed  to  be  deeply 
important  to  the  civil  and  religious  interests  of  this 
country.  They  commend  themselves  to  every  patriot 
as  matters  of  great  practical  and  present  concern, 
which  must,  ere  long,  demand  the  earnest  con- 
sideration of  every  reflecting  mind.     They   are   not 


Vll 


theoretical  speculations.  They  contain  principles  which 
lie  at  the  foundation  of  human  conduct,  and  which 
come  '  home  to  the  business  and  bosoms  of  men.' 
There  are  those  who  think  otherwise,  and  who  consider 
the  gi'eat  questions  which  divide  religious  denomina- 
tions as  mere  logomachies.  Any  alleged  connection 
between  the  systems  of  ecclesiastical  and  civil  govern- 
ment they  regard  as  a  mere  visionary  dream,  conclud- 
ing, that  because  politically  distinct  and  separate,  their 
moral  and  intellectual  relations  are  equally  independent. 
To  such  minds,  the  author  presents  the  considerations 
offered  in  the  following  work,  and  asks  for  them  a 
candid  and  impartial  hearing. 

Greatly  would  he  rejoice  could  he  have  moderated 
the  views  which  he  is  constrained  to  take  of  the  dan- 
gerous character  and  tendencies  of  popery,  and  its 
kindred  system,  high-churchism.  Tender  associations 
bind  him  to  many  individuals  in  both  these  sects. 
Among  them  may  be  found  many,  distinguished  by 
every  quality  that  can  give  personal  distinction,  and 
attract  the  love  and  admiration  of  all  who  know  them. 
It  is,  therefore,  truly  painful  to  the  author,  to  be  im- 
pelled as  he  is,  by  an  irresistible  call  of  duty,  to  utter 
his  free  thoughts  concerning  the  religious  systems  to 
which  such  men  are  attached.  Every  day's  experience 
and  research,  however,  only  confirm  and  strengthen 
the  convictions  formed  by  education.  But  it  is  with 
the  systems,  and  not  with  their  abettors,  the  author  is  at 


Vlll 


war.  To  their  own  master  these  stand  or  fall,  and  by 
Him  alone  are  they  to  be  judged.  While  contending, 
therefore,  earnestly  for  the  truth,  he  would  desire  to 
cultivate  towards  all  men  that  charity  'which  is  the 
bond  of  perfectness,  and  which  hopetli  all  things.' 

He  will  only  add,  that  he  uses  the  term  presbytery 
in  its  generic  sense,  as  equally  applicable  to  all  non- 
episcopal  churches,  and  that  the  great  portion  of  the 
present  volume  will  be  found  based  on  those  generic 
principles,  by  which  they  are  all  distinguished  from 
prelatic  churches.  Such  being  his  general  design,  the 
author  will  be  borne  with,  in  those  illustrations  which 
are  drawn  from  his  own  denomination,  and  those 
arguments  which  are  presented  in  vindication  of  its 
character. 


Charleston,  S.  C,  1843. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER   FIRST. 

THE    PRINCIPLES    OF    REPUBLICANISM   EXPLAINED.   AND    SHOWN 
TO    EXIST    IN    THE    JEWISH    AND    CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES. 

Page 

Sec.  I.     Preliminary  remarks, 13 

II.     The  principles  of  republicanism, 23 

III.  The  principles  of  republicanism  found  in  the  Jewish 

Church, 31 

IV.  The  principles  of  republicanism  fully  developed  in 

the  Christian  Church, 35 

CHAPTER   SECOND. 

PRESBYTERY    REPUBLICAN    BOTH    IN    ITS    DOCTRINAL    AND 
ECCLESIASTICAL    SYSTEMS. 

Sec.  I.     What   denominations  are  included   under  the  term 

Presbytery,  in  the  present  argument, 52 

II.     Presbytery  republican  in  its  doctrines,      ....        54 

III.  The  framers  of  our  ecclesiastical  system  designed  that 

it  should  neither  be  a  monarchy,  nor  a  democracy, 
but  a  republic, ^1 

IV.  All  the  principles  of  republicanism  are  found  in  our 

Presbyterian  system, ^^ 

V.     Presbyteryis  republican  in  its  doctrine  of  the  ministry,  67 
VI.     Presbyteiy  is  republican  in  its  doctrine  of  ordination. 

Objections  answered, ^3 


X 

Page 

VII.     Presbytery  eminently  republican  in  its  office  of  ruling 

elders.     Objections  answered, 75 

VIII.     Presbytery  eminently  republican,  also,  in  its  various 

ecclesiastical  judicatories, 79 

IX.     Presbytery  republican  in  several   other   particulars, 

with  testimonies  in  its  favor,        85 

X.  Presbytery  republican  in  its  creeds  ;  in  its  protection 
of  minorities ;  in  the  framing  of  its  laws ;  in  its 
universal  suffrage  ;  and  in  its  simplicity  and  oppo- 
sition to  all  unnecessary  forms, 88 

XL  Presbytery  eminently  republican  in  having  originated 
and  secured  in  this  country,  the  separation  of 
religion  from  politics,  and  of  the  Church  from  the 
State,       94 

CHAPTER  THIRD. 

THE  REPUBLICANISM  OF  PRESBYTERY  ATTESTED  BY  HISTORY. 

Sec. 1 104 

II.  The  form  of  government  among  the  Waldenses,  who 

have  alw^ays  been  thorough  Presbyterians,  was  as 
purely  republican,        105 

III.  The  republicanism  of  Presbytery  fully  developed  by 

the  reformation, 108 

IV.  The  republicanism  of  Presbytery  illustrated  from  its 

history  in  modern  times  in  England,      .     .     .     .      127 
V.     The  republicanism  of  Presbytery  demonstrated  from 

its  history  in  these  United  States, 138 

CHAPTER   FOURTH. 

PRESBYTERY    MORE     REPUBLICAN    THAN    OTHER    FORMS     OF 
CHRISTIAN    POLITY. 

Sec.  I.     The  system  of  Presbytery  more  republican  than  the 

polity  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  .     .     .148 
II.     Presbytery  more  republican  than  the  Protestant  Epis- 
copal Church, 153 

III.  The  anti-republicanism  of  High-Churchism,  .     .     .172 

IV.  The  anti-republican  character  of  Popery,      ...      181 


XI 

CHAPTER   FIFTH. 

THE    LIBERALITY    OF    PRESBYTERY. 

Pnge 

Sec.  I.     True  liberality,   as   distinguished  from  bigotry  and 

latitudinarianism,  explained, 202 

n.     The  liberality  of  the    Presbyterian  Church,  in  her 
general  principles  as  to  the  nature  of  the  Christian 

Church, 215 

in.     The  liberality  of  the   Presbyterian   Church,   in  her 

doctrine  of  the  sacraments, 224 

IV.     The  liberality  of  the   Presbyterian  Church,  in  her 

doctrine  of  ordination, 227 

V.     The  objection  founded  upon  the  persecuting  principles 

and  conduct  of  Presbyterians,  answered,      .     .     .231 
VI.     The    Presbyterian    Church   is    at   once   liberal   and 

orthodox, 239 

VII.     Testimonies  in  proof  of  the  liberality  of  Presbytery,  242 
VIII.     The   illiberal    character   of    Romish    and    Anglican 

Prelacy^ 254 

CHAPTER   SIXTH. 

THE    CATHOLICITY    OF    PRESBYTERY. 

Sec.  I.     The    catholicity  of   Presbytery  in  its  ecclesiastical 

system,  in  contrast  with  Popery  and  Prelacy,     .      271 
II.     The  catholicity  of  Presbytery,  in  its  doctrinal  system, 

in  contrast  with  Popery  and  Prelacy,      ....  287 

CHAPTER    SEVENTH. 

the  security,  safety,  and  efficiency  of  presbytery,  295 

Conclusion, 303 

Appendix, 309 

Notes, 317 

Index, 319 


ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM. 


CHAPTER    I. 

THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  REPUBLICANISM  EXPLAINED,  AND  SHOWN 
TO  EXIST  IN  THE    JEWISH  AND   CHRISTIAN  CHURCHES. 


SECTION    I. 

Preliminary  remarks. 

The  subject  to  which  the  attention  of  our  readers  is 
invited,  is  the  repubhcanism  of  those  ecclesiastical  sys- 
tems, which  come  under  the  denomination  of  presbytery, 
as  opposed  to  prelacy.  All  denominations  who  agree  in 
holding  to  one  order  of  ministers  are  ipi'operlYpreshyterian, 
and  are,  therefore, included  under  i\\eieim presbytery.  And 
the  question  before  us,  is,  whether  there  is  any  connection 
between  ecclesiastical  and  civil  governments,  so  as  that 
the  former,  according  to  their  nature,  will  exert  a  corres- 
ponding influence  upon  the  latter ;  and  if  they  do,  whether 
the  forms  of  ecclesiastical  government,  included  under  the 
term  presbytery,  are  more  congenial  to  republicanism,  and 
promotive  of  it,  than  either  prelacy  or  popery. 

In  entering  upon  this  discussion,  we  wish  it  to  be  most 
explicitly  understood,  that  we  do  not  identify  Christianity, 
or  the  christian  church,  with  any  form  of  civil  govern- 
ment. On  the  contrary,  it  is  one  of  the  fundamental 
principles  of  presbyterian  faith,  that  the  kingdom  of 
Christ  while  in  this  w^orld  is  not  of  it,  but  is  entirely  sepa- 
2 


14  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

rate  and  distinct  in  its  nature,  objects,  subjects,  and  end. 
The  church  is  a  society  of  a  select  and  sacred  nature, 
wliich  stands  in  intimate  relation  to  Christ,  from  whom 
it  receives  special  and  continual  direction,  superintend- 
ence, and  grace ;  having  its  existence  by  the  will  of 
Christ,  its  Head;  having  a  power  of  self-government, 
inherent  in  it  by  divine  right ;  and  being  thus  authorized 
to  form  regularly  constituted  societies  for  spiritual  pur- 
poses, to  meet  in  churches  and  ecclesiastical  courts,  to 
celebrate  ordinances,  to  admit  to  these  spiritual  privileges 
on  terms  prescribed  by  Christ,  or  to  exclude  from  them 
such  as  violate  these  terms  ;  and,  generally,  to  govern  and 
direct  the  affairs  of  the  christian  societies,  for  the  glory 
of  God,  and  the  edification  of  the  household  of  faith.  It 
will  be  thus  seen,  that,  on  our  interpretation  of  the 
scriptures,  Christianity  is  entirely  independent  of  civil 
government,  and  different  from  it  in  its  ministry,  in  its 
motives,  in  its  instrumentality,  in  its  practice,  in  its  teach- 
ing, in  its  officers,  in  its  laws,  in  its  authority,  and  in  its 
sanctions.  It  has  to  do  with  the  men  of  the  world,  merely 
that  it  may  best  prepare  them  for  the  world  which  is  to 
come ;  while,  in  all  things  that  regard  this  present  life, 
and  the  civil  rights  and  temporal  interests  of  men,  it  leaves 
them  to  be  guided  and  controlled  by  that  civil  govern- 
ment, which  may  be  established  over  them,  or  by  them. 
True  Christianity  is  the  only  religion  which  draws  a  prop- 
er distinction  between  the  things  of  God,  and  the  things  of 
Csesar,  earnestly  inculcating  submission  to  civil  authori- 
ty in  all  lawful  respects,  and  that  not  from  inferior  but  the 
highest  motives.  It  gives  far  more  sacred  and  exalted 
views  of  civil  government,  than  any  other  religion.  It 
represents  it  not  as  the  contrivance  of  human  wisdom, 
but  as  the  ordinance  of  Heaven ;  to  be  obeyed  not  from 
the  fear  of  punishment,  but  for  the  sake  of  conscience. 
'  Render  unto  CsBsar  the  things  that  are  Csesar's,  and 
unto  God  the  things  that  are  God's.'     *  Render  unto  all 


ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM.  15 

their  due :  tribute  to  whom  tribute  is  due ;  custom  to 
whom  custom ;  fear  to  whom  fear ;  honor  to  whom  honor.' 
*  Submit  yourselves  to  every  ordinance  of  man  for  the 
Lord's  sake.'  '  You  must  needs  be  subject,  not  only  for 
wrath,  but  also  for  conscience  sake.'  &c.  Never,  says 
Whateley,  was  the  christian  required  to  do  less  than  to 
conform  to  such  principles  ;  never  will  he  be  called  on  to 
do  more. 

On  this  subject,  the  teaching  of  our  church  is  as  beau- 
ful  as  it  is  scriptural.*  '  God,  the  supreme  Lord  and  King 
of  all  the  world,  hath  ordained  civil  magistrates  to  be 
under  him,  over  the  people  for  his  own  glory,  and  the 
public  good;  and  to  this  end,  hath  armed  them  with  the 
power  of  the  sword,  for  the  defence  and  encouragement 
of  them  that  are  good,  and  for  the  punishment  of  evil 
doers.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  people  to  pray  for  magis- 
trates, to  honor  their  persons,  to  pay  them  tribute  and  other 
dues,  to  obey  their  lawful  commands,  and  to  be  subject 
to  their  authority,  for  conscience  sake.  Infidelity,  or 
indifference  in  religion,  doth  not  make  void  the  magis- 
trate's just  and  legal  authority,  nor  free  the  people  from 
their  due  obedience  to  him ;  from  which  ecclesiastical 
persons  are  not  exempted ;  much  less  hath  the  pope  any 
power  or  jurisdiction  over  them  in  their  dominions,  or 
over  any  of  their  people ;  and,  least  of  all,  to  deprive 
them  of  their  dominions  or  lives,  if  he  shall  judge  them 
to  be  heretics,  or  upon  any  pretence  whatsoever.' 

It  follows,  therefore,  that  Christianity  may  and  does 
coexist  with  any  form  of  civil  government,  and  that  chris- 
tians may  be  loyal  citizens  of  such  a  government,  and 
conscientiously  uphold  and  promote  its  interests,  whether 

*  Nowhere  has  the  distinction  between  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
power  been  better  explained  than  in  Conf.  of  Faith,  ch.  xxiii. 
of  the  Civil  Magistrate,  in  the  Second  Book  of  Discipline  of  the  Scotch 
Church,  and  in  the  celebrated  cxi.  Propositions  concerning  the  Min- 
istry and  Govt,  of  the  Ch.  presented  to  the  Genl.  Assembly,  and 
printed,  Edinb.  1647,  4to. 


16  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

it  be  a  monarchy,  an  aristocracy,  or  a  republic,  so  far 
forth  as  it  does  not  conflict  with  their  duties  to  God.*" 
We  do  not,  therefore,  teach,  that  because  presbyterianism, 
as  an  ecclesiastical  system,  is  repubhcan  in  its  character^ 
and  most  perfectly  harmonizes  with  republican  institu- 
tions, that  presbyterians  are  less  faithful,  loyal,  or  true,  as 
subjects  of  any  other  form  of  civil  government,  than  are 
the  members  of  any  other  church. 

It  is  no  part  of  our  intention  to  authenticate,  as  of  di- 
vine right,  the  republican  form  of  civil  government,  or  to 
allege  that  this  form  alone  can  characterize  the  ecclesias- 
tical government  of  a  true  church.  On  the  contrary, 
while  we  believe  human  government  to  be  an  ordinance 
of  God,  its  particular  character  is,  we  think,  left  to  the 
determination  of  human  reason,  under  the  control  of 
whatever  light  God  has  given  it  in  his  word  and  provi- 
dence. And  in  conformity  with  this  arrangement,  the 
ecclesiastical  government  of  the  church  has  been  so 
moulded  by  its  divine  head,  as  to  be  capable  of  admin- 
istration under  every  mode  of  government,  from  the  abso- 
lutism of  a  despotic  monarchy,  to  the  untrammelled  lib- 
erty of  democratic  freedom. 

We  do  not,  therefore,  design  to  cast  any  shadow  of 
dark  imputation  upon  the  character  of  church  members 
in  other  countries  and  ages,  and  under  other  governments 
than  our  own  happy  republic ;  nor  to  bring  their  loyalty 
and  true-hearted  allegiance  into  question.  As  it  regards 
the  presbyterians  of  Britain,  there  never  have  existed  a 
more  loyal  and  devoted  race  of  subjects,  nor  one  more 
patriotic  and  true  to  the  best  interests  of  their  country.f 

*  See  on  this  point  Christ.  Indep.  of  Civil  Govt. ;  Brooke's  Hist,  of 
Relig.  Lib.  vol.  i.  pp.  4,  G  ;  Lectures  on  the  Headship  of  Christ,  Glasg. 
1840.     &c.  &c. 

t  The  confessions  of  faith  of  all  protestant  churches,  which  were 
drawn  up  not  by  moderates  but  by  evangelical  men,  teach  the  same. 
Accordingly,  christians,  who  have  been  reviled  as  rebels,  have  uni- 
formly proved  the  most  enlightened  friends  of  loyalty,  and  have  been 
most  useful  in  seasons  of  national  danger.     The  christians  of  apos- 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM,  17 

But  assuming  that  the  republican  form  of  civil  govern- 
ment, as  it  exists  in  this  country,  is  best  adapted  to  secure 
the  greatest  amount  of  personal  liberty,  social  enjoyment, 
and  political  prosperity  ;  and  that  it  most  fully  embodies 
and  exhibits  the  spirit  of  liberty ;  our  inquiry  shall  be, 
whether,  and  how  far,  the  presbyterian  form  of  church 
polity  is  analogous  to  our  civil  constitution;  whether  the 
genius  of  presbytery  and  of  republicanism  are  found  to  be 
in  strict  alliance  ;  and  whether,  in  this  respect,  our  form  of 
ecclesiastical  polity  does  not  eminently  commend  itself 
to  the  admiration  and  regard  of  every  American  citizen, 
to  ivliatever  religious  denomination  he  may  belong.  It 
will  be  our  object,  therefore,  to  make  it  appear,  that  the 
platform  of  the  Bible,  while  limited  to  principles  so  gen- 
eral as  to  accommodate  it  to  any  order  of  civil  institu- 
tions, is  yet  pregnant  with  the  spirit  of  hberty  ;  and,  when 
allowed  its  full  development,  illustriously  displays  its 
essential  affinity  to  whatever  is  most  promotive  of  human 
happiness  and  the  liberty  of  mankind ;  and  that  the 
presbyterian  form  of  ecclesiastical  polity  most  readily 
adjusts  itself  to  republicanism,  and  is  free  from  any  thing 
which  might  justly  excite  jealousy,  distrust,  or  apprehen- 

tolic  and  primitive  times  were  distinguished  for  their  loyalty.  Proofs 
to  the  same  effect  might  be  quoted  from  the  history  of  the  protestant 
churches  of  France,  and  Piedmont,  and  America.  Louis  XIV.  re- 
peatedly testified  to  the  loyalty  of  his  protestant  and  evangelical 
subjects,  declaring  that  they  had  given  proof  '  of  their  fidelity  and 
zeal  for  his  service  beyond  all  that  can  be  imagined,  and  contributed 
in  all  things  to  the  welfare  and  advantage  of  his  affairs,'  The  Duke 
of  Savoy  himself  gladly  acknowledged  the  loyalty  of  the  Vaudois  as 
quite  remarkable.  The  eminent  loyalty  and  fidelity  of  presbyterians 
in  contrast  with  the  disloyalty  of  prelates,  has  been  demonstrated 
from  the  facts  of  English  and  Irish  history,  by  almost  all  the  old 
writers.  See  Prynne's  Antipathy  of  the  English  Lordly  Prelacy  both 
to  Regal  Monarchy  and  Civil  Unity,  &c.  Lond.  1641,  2  vols.  4to. 
Milton's  Reason  of  Ch.  Govt,  in  Works,  vol.  i,  p.  29,  &c.  Lord 
Brooke  on  Episcopacy,  ch.  vii.  and  ix.  p.  38.  Jameson's  Funda- 
mentals of  the  Hierarchy,  part  i.  §  2,  pp.  5  and  17.  Baxter  on  Episco- 
pacy. Calamy's  Defence.  Pierce's  Defence,  &c.  &c.  See  also 
Lorimer's  Manual  of  Presbytery,  ch.  v.  p.  207,  &c.  Campbell's  Vindi- 
cation of  the  Principles  and  Character  of  Piesbyt.  Ch.  in  Ireland. 
Lond.  17S7,  third  ed.  and  Plea  for  Presbytery. 
2* 


18  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

«ion  on  the  part  of  the  governing  authorities  of  the  land, 
or  of  a  justly  watchful  people. 

Neither  is  it  any  part  of  our  design  to  criminate  other 
denominations,  or  to  hold  up  what  is  distinctively  called 
the  presbyterian  church,  as  the  only  one  that  is  analo- 
gous to  that  form  of  republican  government  under  which 
we  live,  much  less  to  imply  that  others  are  hostile  to 
'the  powers  that  be.'  On  the  contrary,  we  rejoice  in 
believing,. that,  to  a  great  extent,  there  is  a  harmony  of 
spirit  and  of  order  between  the  ecclesiastical  system  of 
-our  various  christian  denominations,  and  those  of  the 
i3ivil  commonwealth,  and  that  the  members  of  all  desire 
to  emulate  the  highest  attainments  in  patriotic  devotion 
to  the  interests  of  our  country.  But  in  the  strength  of 
this  analogy,  as  exhibited  in  different  churches,  we  be- 
lieve there  is  a  great  diversity,  some  being  more  repub- 
licanized  than  others.  The  degree  of  approximation  to  a 
republic,  found  in  the  numerous  leading  forms  of  eccle- 
siastical polity,  we  shall  have  occasion  to  point  out ;  and 
while  we  believe  that  any  form  of  church  government 
will  consist  with  any  form  of  civil  government,  which 
does  not,  by  any  of  its  principles,  interfere  with  the 
authority  of  that  government  in  civil  matters,=^  fidelity 
will  require  us  to  point  out  the  dangerous  character  of 
popery,  which  binds  all  its  members  in  subjection  to  a 
foreign  potentate,  and  to  a  despotic  hierarchy. 

To  such  a  comparison  we  are  urged  by  the  zeal  with 
which  all  denominations  are  pressing  their  claims  to  a 
republican  character,  upon  the  attention  of  a  people,  to 
whom  such  a  recommendation  justly  gives  a  most  hearty 
welcome.  '  We  have  repeatedly,'  says  the  New  Eng- 
land Puritan,  '  recorded  our  conviction,  that  Congrega- 
tionalism is  not  only  more  in  harmony  with  the  teachings 
of  the  New  Testament  than  any  other  system  of  eccle- 

*  Brooke  on  Episcop.  pp.  39,  40,  47. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  19 

siastical  polity,  but  also  more  purely  democratic  than  any 
other.  We,  of  course,  use  the  term  'democratic'  in  its 
original  signification,  and  not  as  descriptive  of  the  tenets 
of  any  political  party.'  Similar,  and  as  exclusive  claims 
are  made,  by  the  baptist  denominations.  The  unita- 
rians, who  are  also  congregationalists,  make  their  devo- 
tion to  the  interests  of  civil  liberty  a  fundamental  article 
in  their  popular  creed.  The  protestant  methodist  church 
has  separated  from  the  episcopal  body  on  this  very 
ground,  that  it  was  in  its  polity  anti-republican,  and 
opposed  to  the  just  rights  of  a  large  portion  of  the  clergy, 
and  the  whole  of  the  laity.^  The  methodist  episcopal 
church,  however,  is  not  bashful  in  proclaiming  '  the 
republicanism  of  methodist  polity.'!  The  episcopal 
church  is  also  heard  proclaiming  aloud  her  merits  as  the 
most  purely  republican  of  all  republics. $  Nay,  even  the 
Romish  church,  not  satisfied  with  her  infallibility,  and 
other  unapproachable  excellences,  sets  all  her  rivals  at 
defiance,  by  the  assertion,  that  her  system  '  is  most  favor- 
able to  equality  of  conditions.''^ 

It  is,  therefore,  a  time  for  presbyterians  to  speak,  and 
not  be  silent.  We  say,  '  audi  alteram  partem!  We  also 
would  give  our  reasons  for  the  hope  that  is  in  us,  that, 
when  weighed  in  the  balances  against  all  others,  we  shall 

*See  Questions  and  Answers  explanatory  of  the  Government  of  this 
Church.  Charleston,  1837.  The  History  and  Mystery  of  Methodist 
Episcopacy,  by  Alexander  M'Carne.  Bait.  1S27.  Also  his  Defence, 
&c.     Bait.  1529. 

t  See  recent  articles  in  the  Christ.  Advoc.  and  Journal,  and  several 
also  in  the  Southern  Christian  Advocate. 

X  Bishop  White,  in  his  Memoirs  of  the  Episcopal  Church  in  this 
country,  declares,  'that  episcopacy,  as  nov^'  settled  in  America,  must 
be  confessed  at  least  as  analogous  as  presbytery  —  the  author  thinks 
more  so  —  to  the  plan  of  civil  government  which  mature  deliberation 
has  established  over  the  union.'  Mem.  of  Prot.  Ep.  Ch.  p.  55.  But 
perhaps  bishop  White  was  not  the  best  judge  of  such  an  analogy, 
since  he  openly  states,  that  'in  consequence  of  an  impartial  com- 
parison,' he  prefers  the  laws  and  the  manners  of  the  British  nation  to 
those  of  any  other.  Ibid,  p.  57.  See  also  the  Comprehensive  Church, 
by  Rev.  Thomas  H.  Vail,  Hartford,  1841. 

\  Tocqueville's  Democracy  in  America,  vol.  i.  pp.  328,  329  and  332. 


20  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

not  be  found  wanting.  And  what  we  speak,  we  speak 
as  unto  wise  men,  judge  ye  what  we  say. 

Neither  is  any  one  justified  in  supposing,  that  this  is  a 
useless  question,  or  one  which  leads  to  no  practical 
results.  We  believe  and  affirm  the  contrary.  As  well 
might  it  be  said  that  the  forms  of  civil  government  have 
no  practical  influence  upon  the  manners,  morals,  and 
habits  of  a  people,  as  that  different  ecclesiastical  systems 
will  not  exercise  a  similar  influence.  '  Every  religion,' 
says  Tocqueville,'^  '  is  to  be  found  in  juxtaposition  to  a 
political  opinion,  which  is  connected  with  it  by  affinity. 
If  the  human  mind  be  left  to  follow  its  own  bent,  it  will 
regulate  the  temporal  and  spiritual  institutions  of  society 
upon  one  uniform  principle,  and  man  will  endeavor,  if  I 
may  use  the  expression,  to  harmonize  the  state  in  which 
he  lives  upon  earth  with  the  state  he  believes  to  await 
him  in  heaven.' 

*  Who,'  asks  Dr.  McCrie,t  *  that  has  duly  reflected  on 
the  subject,  can  be  ignorant  that  forms  of  government 
exert  a  mighty  influence,  both  directly  and  indirectly,  on 
the  manners,  and  habits,  and  sentiments  of  the  people 
who  live  under  them ;  and  that  some  of  these  forms  are 
unspeakably  preferable  to  others  ?  That  they  are  better 
adapted  to  impose  a  check  on  ambitious  or  corrupt  rulers 
—  prevent  or  correct  the  abuses  of  maladministration  — 
provide  for  the  impartial  distribution  of  justice  —  preserve 
the  spirit  and  perpetuate  the  enjoyment  of  liberty  —  pro- 
mote education,  virtue,  and  religion ;  and,  in  fine,  to  secure 
to  the  people  at  large  all  that  happiness  which  it  is  the 
original  and  proper  design  of  government  to  procure  and 
bestow.  These  remarks  apply  with  greater  force  to  ec- 
clesiastical than  to  political  government.     The  advance- 

=*  Ibid,  p.  328.  See  also  p.  334.  See  this  also  illustrated  in  '  Fo- 
reign Conspiracy  against  the  Liberties  of  the  United  States,'  p.  34, 
and  note  B. 

t  Life  of  Melville,  vol.  ii.  p.  470. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  21 

ment  of  the  interests  of  religion,  the  preservation  of  purity, 
of  faith  and  morals,  the  regular  dispensing  of  religious 
instruction  and  of  all  divine  ordinances,  and,  in  general, 
the  promoting  of  the  spiritual  improvement  and  salvation 
of  the  people,  have  always  depended,  and  must  always 
depend,  in  a  high  degree,  on  the  form  of  government 
established  in  a  church,  and  on  the  rules  by  which  disci- 
pline is  exercised  in  it.' 

It  is  on  these  grounds  we  attach  importance  to  the 
present  inquiry.  God  forbid,  that  we  should  pursue  it 
with  any  sinister  or  political  ends.  But  the  ecclesiastical 
system  of  the  presbyterian  church,  we  conscientiously 
believe  to  be  eminently  adapted  to  advance  these  glo- 
rious objects.  Although  it  takes  no  direct  part  in  the 
government  of  society,  it  must  nevertheless  be  regarded 
as  the  foremost  of  the  political  institutions  of  this  country ; 
for  if  it  does  not  impart  a  taste  for  freedom,  it  facilitates 
the  use  of  free  institutions.*  To  it  Scotland  has  been 
indebted  for  other  blessings  besides  the  efficient  support 
of  the  gospel,  of  a  collateral  kind,  and  of  the  highest  im- 
portance. To  it  she  owes  that  system  of  education 
which  has  extended  its  blessings  to  the  lowest  class  in 
the  community.  To  it  she  owes  the  intelligence,  sobriety, 
and  religious  principle  which  distinguish  her  commonality 
from  those  of  other  countries.  To  it  she  owed  a  simple, 
unambitious,  laborious,  and  at  the  same  time  independent 
order  of  ministers.  And  to  it  she  was  indebted  for  that 
public  spirit  which  has  resisted  manifold  disadvantages 
in  her  political  and  rehgious  institutions ;  disadvantages, 
which  otherwise  must  have  reduced  her  to  a  state  of 
slavery,  and  made  her  the  instrument  of  enslaving  the 
nation  with  which  she  became  allied  by  the  union  of  the 
crown  s.t 

We   have    only  one  other  preliminary  observation  to 

*  Tocqueviile,  i.  334.  t  Life  of  Melville,  ii.  471. 


22 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 


offer.     When  we  affirm  that  presbyterianism,  as  the  form 
of  ecclesiastical  government  prescribed  in  the  New  Tes- 
tament, is  republican,  we  contemplate  the  church  in  its 
mundane   or    visible   administration.       We   inquire   not 
from   whom  is  the  authority  to  govern  derived,  but   to 
whom  on  earth  is  this  authority  delegated.     Considered 
in  reference  to  its  totality,  and  to    Christ  its  head,  the 
government    of    the   church   is   an   absolute   monarchy. 
Christ  is  head  over  all  things  to  the  church  ;  and  hence, 
is  it  one  and  universal,  under  Him  as  its   Sovereign.^ 
The  question,  therefore,  now  before  us,  does  not  affect 
the  church,  in  itself  considered  —  in  its  complete  devel- 
opment—  in  its  universal  extent  —  and  in  its  relation  to 
heaven  as  well  as  to  earth.     In  this  view,  as   are  re- 
publics themselves,  it  is  a  theocracy,  a  divine   spiritual 
monarchy,  of  which  Christ  alone  is  Head,  Lawgiver,  and 
King.     But  the  question  is,  what  is  the  character  of  that 
delegated  government,  intrusted  by  the  King  of  Zion  to 
his  ministers  and   people  here   on   earth?  what   is   the 
character  of  that  administration  under  which  the  visible 
church  is  placed,  in  this  sphere  or  province  of  Christ's 
dominion,  and  in  subordination  to  his  celestial  royalty  ? 
The  relation  between  the  ruhng  part  and  the  ruled,  in 
any  community,  constitutes  the  character  of  its  govern- 
ment.     Viewed,   therefore,    as    subject    to    Christ,    the 
christian  church  is  a  monarchy,  just  as  the  Jewish  was 
in  its  relation  to  God.     But,  considered  as  governed  by 
the  laws  of   Christ,  and  the  representative  officers  au- 
thorized by  Him,  it   is,  as  we  shall  endeavor  to  prove, 
just  like  the  Hebrew  commonwealth,  a  republic.! 


*  Ephes.  4:15;  1  :  22 ;  Col.  1:18;  2:19;  Eph.  5 :  23  ;  Col.  3:15; 
Rom.  12  :  4,  5  ;  1  Cor.  10  :  17  ;  Eph.  2  :  IG. 

t  This  is  an  old  and  useful  distinction.  In  '  Syon's  Royal  Preroga- 
tive,' Amsterd.  1G42,  p.  31,  we  find,  that  Peter  Martyr,  in  his  com- 
mon places,  making  the  church  a  monarchy,  in  respect  of  Christ, 
an  aristocracy  in  respect  of  the  elders  ;  addeth,  also,  that  because 
there  are  matters  of  great  weight  and  importance  referred  unto  the 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  23 

SECTION     II. 

The  principles  of  republicanism. 

All  forms  of  government  are  reducible  to  five;  the  des- 
potic, the  monarchical,  the  aristocratic,  the  republican, 
and  the  democratic.  A  despotic  government  is  that  in 
which  a  single  person  directs  every  thing  by  his  own 
will.  A  monarchy  is  that  in  which  a  single  person 
governs  by  fixed  and  established  laws.  An  aristocracy 
is  formed  when  the  supreme  power  is  vested  in  the 
hands  of  a  small  number  of  the  people,  who  constitute  a 
nobility.  A  republic  is  that  government  in  which  the 
people,  under  certain  restrictions,  are  possessed  of  the 
supreme  power;  and  a  democracy  is  that  in  which  the 
supreme  power  is  possessed  and  exercised  by  the  whole 
body  of  the  people.* 

Montesquieu  includes  under  the  name  of  republic,  the 
aristocratic,  the  republican,  and  the  democratic  forms  of 
government.! 

The  term  rcpubhc  includes,  according  to  Brougham, 
aristocracies,  in  distinction  from  oligarchies ;  aristocracy 
being  the  government  of  the  best  or  highest  classes,  that 
is,  of  those  who  are  intrusted  with  authority,  because 
deemed  best  qualified  to  use  it.-t  But  this  cannot  refer 
to  a  permanent  or  hereditary  aristocracy,  which  is  com- 
posed of  a  certain  number  of  citizens  stationed  above  the 
mass,  than  which  nothing  can  be  more  contrary  to  nature, 
and  the  secret  propensities  of  the  human  heart.  § 

The  clearest  definition,  however,  is  that  given  by  our 
own  Webster.      He  says  a  republic  is  a  commonwealth ; 

people,  as  excommunication,  absolution,  choosing  of  ministers,  and 
the  like  ;  it  hath  also  a  consideration  of  a  popular  government.  Of 
the  same  judgment  was  Junius. 

*  See  Montesquieu's  Spirit  of  Laws,  b.  ii.  chap.  1. 

t  Ibid,  chap.  ii. 

X  Polit.  Phil.  p.  73. 

^  Tocqueville,  i.  456. 


24  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

a  state  in  which  the  exercise  of  the  sovereign  power  is 
lodged  in  representatives  elected  by  the  people.  In 
modern  usage,  it  differs  from  a  democracy,  or  democratic 
state,  in  which  the  people  exercise  the  powers  of  sover- 
eignty in  person.' 

The  government  of  the  United  States,  is  not,  there- 
fore, a  democracy,*  but  a  republic,  in  which  the  people 
exercise  the  supreme  power ;  not  directly,  but  by  means  of 
a  president,  a  senate,  and  a  house  of  representatives,  who 
are  all  elective,  and  a  judiciary  body.  The  supreme 
power  resides  ultimately  in  the  people,  but  it  is  exercised 
immediately  by  representatives  chosen  by  the  people, 
responsible  to  them,  and  limited  in  their  official  acts  by 
the  constitution.  The  government  of  the  United  States 
is,  therefore,  a  pure  republic,  but  it  is  not  a  democracy, 
since  the  people  do  not  conduct  its  administration  as 
in  the  ancient  democracies,  by  meeting  together  en  masse. 
Practically,  it  is  a  republican  aristocracy,  the  government 
being  conducted  by  a  part  of  the  people,  elevated  by 
themselves  to  the  temporary  dignity  of  office,  and  return- 
ing, when  their  term  of  office  expires,  to  the  common  rank 
of  ordinary  citizens.  It  may,  therefore,  be  as  truly  denom- 
inated an  aristocracy,  as  a  democracy.  It  is,  in  truth^ 
neither.  It  is  a  compound  of  both —  a  new  creation — a 
mixed  government,  combining  the  advantages  of  all 
others.  But  it  least  resembles  \x  pure  democracy,  which, 
after  all,  is  an  Utopian  dream,  never  yet  realized,  either 
in  Greece  or  Rome,  or  in  any  modern  republic!  Such  a 
government,  we  may  safely  say,  could  not  existj     It 

^Tocqueville  evidently  uses  democracy  as  synonymous  with 
republic  ;  but  in  defining  terms  they  must  be  distinguished. 

t  Brougham's  Poht.  Phil.  pp.  92,  93.  '  Neither  our  state  or  confeder- 
ate governments,  can,' says  the  Hon.  John  Quincy  Adams,  '  w^ithout  a 
gross  and  fraudulent  perversion  of  language,  be  denominated  a  democ- 
racy.' Lect.  at  Providence,  Nov.  1842,  in  Eddy's  Christian  Citi- 
zen, p.  14. 

t  Tocqueville,  i.  157,159-162,  1G5.  Locke  on  Govt.  eh.  vii.  §  89 
and  94. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  25' 

was  only  while  they  practically  carried  out  the  principles 
of  representation  and  delegated  power,  the  ancient  repub- 
lics of  Greece  and  Rome  prospered.  In  all  cases  when 
the  democracy,  which  is  mobocracij,  was  triumphant,  anar- 
chy, bloodshed,  civil  war,  defeat,  and  ruin,  were  the  disas- 
trous consequences.*  Kegular  government  was  no  longer 
regarded  as  a  benefit,  but  as  an  evil,  to  be  endured  only 
up  to  that  point  which  the  majority,  goaded  on  by  the 
demagogue,  believed  to  be  necessary.  A  multitude  not 
reduced  to  unity,  by  delegated  power,  is  confusion,  and 
invariably  leads  to  that  unity  which  is  independent  of  the 
multitude,  that  is,  to  despotism.!  But  great  as  is  this  lat- 
ter evil,  it  is  not  so  desperate  as  the  other,  since  there  is 
no  tyranny  so  capricious,  lawless,  and  cruel,  as  that  of 
the  mob.  Nor  can  any  one  read  the  history  of  its  doings 
in  ancient  times  without  devoutly  praying,  from  such 
a  government,  good  Lord,  deliver  us.^  In  the  state  of 
freedom,  that  is,  in  a  republic,  man  is  governed  by  the 
laws  to  which  he  has  given  his  consent,  either  in  person, 
or  by  his  representatives ;  but  in  a  pure  democracy,  he  is 
governed  by  the  unrestrained  will  of  others. §  With 
republic  on  their  tongues,  the  members  of  npure  democ- 
racy are  despotical  in  practice,  and  approve  their  charac- 
ter to  be,  '  that  fierce  democracy.' 

That  system  of  government  is  best,  which  secures  the 
most  perfect  laws,  the  most  beneficial  administration  of 
the  laws  made,  and  the  most  advantageous  use  of  the 
resources  of  society  for  the  great  purposes  of  government 
and  defence,  and  the  promotion  of  the  happiness  of  the 

*  See  this  illustrated  in  Dr.  Bisset's  interesting  work,  '  Sketch  of 
Democracy,'  Lond.  1790.  He  does  not,  however,  distinguish  between 
democracy  and  republic.  Also  Dr.  Vaughan's  Congregationalism, 
Lond.  1S42,  p.  45,  &c.  Absolute  equality  led  lo  all  the  horrors  of  the 
Anabaptists  and  of  the  Jacobins  in  France.  Villers  on  Ref.  p.  113. 
See  also  Locke  on  Govt.  ch.  vii.  §  80,  Wks.  vol.  ii.  pp.  251,  ^  94. 

t  Pascal's  Thoughts,  Art.  cxiv.  p.  288. 

J  See  its  evils  depicted  by  Tocqueville,  i.  281,  2SG. 

\  See  the  Hamilton  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  12. 
3 


26  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

whole  community.  But  a  republic  does  all  this,  since  it 
gives  security  against  abuse,  against  internal  shocks, 
and  against  foreign  aggression,  by  making  the  resources 
of  society  easily  available. "* 

What,  then,  are  the  essential  principles  of  our  repub- 
lican form  of  government  ?  In  reply,  we  remark,  that 
there  are  some  principles  essential  to  the  system,  and 
by  which  it  is  characterized,  which  may  be  called  the 
primary,  or  fundamental  laws  of  republicanism.  Other 
principles,  again,  are  equally  essential,  though  not  pecu- 
liar to  it,  more  than  than  to  any  other  well  ordered  commu- 
nity;  which  maybe  termed  the  secondary  laws  of  repub- 
licanism. Among  these,  may  be  mentioned  virtue,  by 
which,  as  Montesquieu  says,  it  is  supported,  educa- 
tion, intelligence,  sobriety,  and  public  spirit. 

Among  the  primary  or  fundamental  laws,  which  char- 
acterize our  American  republic,  may  be  named  the  fol- 
lowing. 

The  equality  of  conditions,  is,  according  to  De  Tocque- 
ville,  the  fundamental  principle  from  which  all  our  other 
institutions  flow.t  By  this  is  to  be  understood :  1.  That 
all  are  by  birth  equally  eligible  to  any  office,  for  which 
they  are  deemed  fit.  2.  That  the  laws  are  made  equally 
by  all,  acting  through  their  representatives.  3.  That 
none  are  elevated  to  any  station  in  which  they  can  act,  or 
legislate,  independently  of  the  people. $  4.  That  no  arti- 
ficial obstacles  exist  in  the  way  of  a  man's  becoming  the 
richest,  or  most  learned  in  the  state,  every  man  being  at 
liberty — with  no  other  impediments,  than  such  as  the  com- 
mon obstacles  of  human  nature,  and  the  equal  rights  of  his 
neighbor,  impose  —  to  strive  after  wealth,  honor,  and  hap- 
piness.    And,  5.  That  no  hereditary  ranks  are  recognised, 

*  Brougham's  Polit.  Phil.  p.  GO. 

tTocqueville,  i.   Introd.  p.  1.     Algernon   Sydney's  Disc,  on   Govt, 
ch  1,  §  2,  and  ch.  2,  §  31.    Fol.  Lond.  1751,  third  ed. 
$  Ibid,  p.  7. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  27 

SO  that  any  honor  conferred  on  any  man,  by  any  office 
given  by  the  people,  though  it  elevates  his  rank,  and  may 
reflect  honor  on  his  posterity,  cannot  descend  to  them. 
Kesponsibility  to  the  people,  is,  therefore,  a  fmidamental 
principle  of  repubhcanism  ;  a  responsibiUty  which  gives 
the  most  insignificant  contributor  of  his  money  towards 
any  object,  a  right  to  examine  into  the  manner  in  which 
it  is  disbursed."^ 

The  power  of  the  people,  claimed  by  them  as  derived 
from  the  laws  of  nature,  and  not  as  the  gift  of  any  earthly 
power,  is,  therefore,  a  foundation  principle  of  republican- 
ism.! '  While  those  bodies  are  in  existence,  to  whom 
the  people  have  delegated  the  powers  of  legislation,  they 
alone  possess,  and  may  exercise  those  powers.  But, 
when  they  are  dissolved,  by  the  lopping  off  of  one  or 
more  of  their  branches,  the  power  reverts  to  the  people, 
who  may  use  it  to  an  unlimited  extent,  either  assembling 
together  in  person,  sending  deputies,  or  in  any  other  way 
they  may  think  proper.' 

The  right  and  duty  of  private  judgment,  liberty  of  con- 
science, liberty  of  opinion,  and  liberty  of  the  press,  are 
also  among  those  fundamental  maxims  upon  which  all  re- 
publicanism is,  and  must  be,  founded  ;  and  without  which, 
it  is  a  political  heresy,  and  cannot  possibly  be  carried  on.$ 

It  follows  from  these  principles,  that  in  oar  republic, 
every  man  is  left  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dic- 
tates of  his  own  conscience  ;  that  the  church  is  separated 
from  the  state  ;  that  all  religions  are  equally  protected  by 

=*  The  great  rule  of  all  free  institutions,  that  the  people  alone  shdl 
lay  taxes  —  a  vital  principle  of  all  constitutional  government  —  an 
essential  guaranty  of  all  safe  public  administration  —  has  become 
involved,  is  at  stake  ;  that  solemn  canon  of  republican  creeds  —  that 
high  fundamental  law — no,  sir,  not  a  law,  the  mere  part  of  a  code,  or 
a  constitution  ;  it  is  itself  a  constitution  ;  for,  give  but  that,  and  a  real 
constitution  must  follow;  take  it  away,  and  there  is  an  end  of  all 
practical  freedom.  ]\Ir.  Archer's  Speech  in  Congress,  Aug.  1,  1842. 
See  Locke  on  Govt.  ch.  vii.  §  94.      Wks.  vol.  ii.   p.  2-54. 

t Jefferson's  Wks.  vol.  i.  p.  113,  115.  'The  God  who  gave  us  life, 
gave  us  liberty  at  the  same  time,'  p.  116. 

jTocqueville,  i.  453,  4G6,  and  ii,  23,  &c. 


28  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

the  state,  while  none  are  patronized ;  and  that  toleration 
is,  therefore,  a  doctrine  indignantly  rejected,  as  implying 
a  power  to  sit  in  judgment  upon  religious  creeds,  and 
practically  to  endure  Avliat  is  theoretically  condemned.=^ 

It  is,  further,  the  very  essence  of  republican  govern- 
ment, that  it  lies  ultimately,  and  absolutely,  in  the  majori- 
ty.! Not  that  the  minority  are  subject  to  their  will,  or  that 
any  majority  remains,  for  any  time,  the  same  ;  the  consti- 
tution throwing  its  trgis  around  the  minority,  and  time 
changing  it  altogether.-t 

It  is  also  a  fundamental  principle  of  our  free  govern- 
ment, that  every  man,  of  what  quality  or  condition  so- 
ever, ought  to  be  equally  subject  to  the  laws,  and  either 
obey  them,  or  suffer  the  penalties  ordained  for  the  trans- 
gressors.^ 

The  extension  of  the  right  of  suffrage  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, that  is,  as  far  as  will  consist  with  a  due  regard  to 

*  See  Christ.  Indep.  of  the  Civil  Govt.  pp.  148-150.  Upon  this 
rock  is  built  the  fabric  of  religious  liberty, 

t  Tocqueville,  i.  p.  275. 

J  Mr.  Preston  follow^ed,  in  an  animated  reply  to  Mr.  Clay,  oppos- 
ing entirely  his  doctrine  as  to  the  veto  pov^^er.  The  proposed 
abolition  or  modification  of  that  power  vs'ould,  he  argued,  be  an  in- 
fraction of  the  com.promises  of  the  constitution.  He  disputed  Mr. 
Clay's  position,  that  this  was  a  government  of  majorities  alone.  It 
was  so  framed  as  to  protect  minorities.  Neither  the  house  nor  the 
senate  represented  majorities;  the  former  represented  local  interests, 
and  the  latter  was  ratlier  of  an  aristocratic  character.  The  president 
alone  represented  majorities.  He  was  the  immediate  representative 
of  the  people — of  tlie  majority  of  the  people  —  having  no  regard 
whatever  to  national  interests.  He  was  allowed  to  have  no  national 
spirit — no  spirit  adverse  to  that  of  the  body  of  the  people,  whom 
he  represented.  The  object  of  the  veto  power,  was,  to  protect  this 
popular  majority  in  their  rights,  as  opposed  to  the  local  interests,  or 
party  interests,  of  congress. 

There  was  less  danger  from  the  executive,  than  any  other  depart- 
ment in  the  government ;  if  there  was  any  danger,  it  was,  that  it  might 
become  too  democratic.  There  was  no  fear  of  its  being  aristocratic. 
Twelve  vetoes  had  been  exerted  —  two  by  Washington,  four  by  Madi- 
son, one  by  Monroe,  five  by  Jackson ;  and  each  veto  was  popular,  and 
increased  the  strength  of  the  executive.  It  was,  after  all,  merely  a 
conservative  power  —  in  force  only  for  a  short  time,  till  the  people 
could  form  and  express  their  own  opinions  in  the  matter.  Speech  in 
the  senate. 

§  See  this  frequently  enforced  by  Locke  on  Government. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    HEPUBLICANISM.  29 

the  rights  of  property,  and  to  the  necessary  qnaUfication 
for  citizenship ;  in  short,  the  rights,  privileges,  and  immu- 
nities of  the  laity,  if  we  may  so  speak,  in  contradistinc- 
tion to  all  in  authority;  —  this  is  a  keystone  in  the  repub- 
lican arch.^ 

Trial  by  jury  is  also,  and  for  the  same  reasons,  an  emi- 
nently republican  element  in  government ;  provided,  how- 
ever, the  jurors  are  selected  from  and  by  the  people,  t 
Blackstone  calls  an  '  aristocracy  the  most  oppressive  of 
absolute  governments,'  and  he  affirms  that  every  new 
tribunal  erected  for  the  decision  of  facts,  without  the  in- 
tervention of  a  jury,  is  a  step  toward  establishing  it.-t 

Simplicity,  and  an  opposition  to  all  unnecessary  forms 
and  external  observances,  is  another  principle  of  republi- 
canism. Nothing  is  more  repugnant  to  it  than  a  subjec- 
tion to  forms ;  —  nothing  more  distasteful  than  ceremonial 

=^  '  Suffrage,'  says  a  writer  in  the  Charleston  Courier,  '  ought  to  be 
as  general  as  it  can  be  possibly  made,  without  injury  to  society,  and 
without  defeating  its  own  ends,  and  the  very  rights  it  was  intended  to 
secure.  Universal  suffrage  is  not  now  recognised  in  practice,  by  our 
general,  or  any  of  our  state  governments.  Existing  restrictions, 
extend  throughout  all  of  them  to  non-residents,  females,  minors,  pau- 
pers, and  privates,  and  non-commissioned  officers  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States  ;  in  many  of  them  to  slaves  and  free  persons  of  color  ; 
in  nearly  all  of  them  to  unnaturalized  foreigners;  and  in  several,  a 
property,  or  tax,  or  registry  qualification  is  required.  The  problem 
of  suffrage  is  one  of  difficult  solution  ;  but  it  demands  the  attention 
of  the  American  statesman.  It  should  certainly  be  extended,  if  pos- 
sible, to  every  citizen,  whether  rich  or  poor,  who  is  worthy  to  exer- 
cise it  ;  but  some  mode  should  be  devised,  to  exclude  those  from  this 
high  privilege  of  republicanism,  who  basely  barter  it  for  gold,  and 
thus  corruptly  hold  up  the  high  offices  of  the  land  to  the  highest  bid- 
der;  and  we  should  not  be  deterred  from  adopting  some  efficient  gen- 
eral rule,  promotive  of  the  purity  of  elections,  although  it  should  work 
individual  hardship  in  a  few  instances.  Universality  of  suffrage  only 
mocks  the  people  with  the  shadow  of  power,  and  really  confers  the 
substance  on  the  wealthy  aristocrat,  or  the  artful  demagogue.  The 
best  friends  of  republican  government,  and  American  freedom,  are 
those  who  would  devise  some  means  of  so  regulating  the  right  of 
suffrage,  as  would  purge  it  of  its  impurities,  and  disorders,  and  secure 
political  ascendency  to  the  unb ought  voice  of  the  people.'  Universal 
suffrage  did  not  prevail  even  in  the  ancient  democracies.  Kent's  Com- 
mentaries, vol.  i.  p.   232. 

t  Tocqueville,  i.  pp.  308-311,  314. 

J  Comment,  b.  iii.  vol.  ii.  p.  295. 
3# 


30  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

observances.^'  '  One  of  the  plainest  doctrines  of  Ameri- 
can republicanism  is,  that  mere  glory-giving  titles,  or 
titles  of  servility,  are  entirely  opposed  to  its  whole  spirit. 
They  are  considered  as  one  of  those  artificial  means  of 
king-craft,  by  which  it  fosters  that  aristocratic,  unholy 
pride  in  the  human  heart,  which  loves  to  domineer  over 
its  fellow  man,  which  loves  artificial  distinction  of  ranks, 
a  privileged  class,  and,  of  course,  which  helps  to  sustain 
that  whole  system  of  regal  and  papal  usurpation  which 
has  so  long  cursed  mankind.' 

Our  federal  government  is  clothed  with  all  the  powers 
necessary  to  represent,  and  carry  out,  the  interests  of 
each  state,  and  the  conduct  of  those  affairs  which  cannot 
be  administered  by  the  states  separately,  inasmuch  as 
they  regard  the  united  interests  of  all ;  and  also  to  pre- 
serve peace  among  the  various  states. 

Our  federal  government  is  also  empowered  to  act 
directly  on  the  people,  in  carrying  out  the  powers,  and 
securing  the  objects,  intrusted  to  it.  So  also  are  the 
states  respectively,  in  their  several  spheres,  and  within 
the  limits  mentioned. 

The  judiciary  is  appointed  to  pass  upon  any  action  of 
any  member  of  the  confederacy,  which  seems  to  be  con- 
trary to  the  laws  of  the  union. 

In  short,  Tocqueville  reduces  the  principles  which 
most  powerfully  conduce  to  mould  the  character  of  our 
republic,  to  these  three.t  *  The  first  is,  that  federal  form 
of  government  which  the  Americans  have  adopted,  and 
which  enables  the  union  to  combine  the  power  of  a  great 
empire  with  the  security  of  a  small  state.  The  second 
consists  in  those  municipal  institutions  which  limit  the 
despotism  of  the  majority,  and  at  the  same  time  impart  a 
taste  for  freedom,  and  a  knowledge  of  the  art  of  being 


*  Tocqueville,  vol.  ii.  pp.  3,  25,  26. 
t  Vol.  i.  p.  327. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  31 

free,  to  the  people.*  The  thhd  is  to  be  met  with  in  the 
constitution  of  the  judicial  power.  I  have  shown  in  what 
manner  the  courts  of  justice  serve  to  repress  the  excesses 
of  democracy ;  and  how  they  check  and  direct  the  im- 
pulses of  the  majority,  without  stopping  its  activity.' 


SECTION     III. 

The  principles  of  repuhlicanism  found  in  the  Jcivish  church. 

In  its  complete  form,  as  embracing  the  invisible  as  well 
as  the  visible  church,  the  Jewish  form  of  government  was 
a  theocracy,  or  divine  monarchy.  God,  for  special  ends, 
connected  w^ith  the  glorious  scheme  of  redemption,  con- 
descended to  be  elected  king  of  the  Hebrews,  to  give 
them  a  code  of  civil  laws,  to  decide  their  more  important 
litigations,  and  to  solve  inquiries  which  they  proposed. 
But  while  the  constitution  of  the  Hebrew  polity  was,  in 
its  complete  form,  theocratical  and  monarchical ;  in  its 
relation  to  men,  and  the  character  of  its  earthly  adminis- 
tration, it  w^as  necessary  that  it  should  assume  a  distinct 
and  separate  character.  The  patriarchal  form  of  govern- 
ment, which,  until  this  time,  had  generally  prevailed, 
with  few  exceptions,  throughout  the  east,  may  be  re- 
garded as  republican,  the  patriarch  acting  as  perpetual 
president,  with  his  officers  under  him,  as  is  the  case 
among  the  Arabs  and  the  various  tribes  of  Indians,  at  this 
very  hour.f  Such  also  was  the  character  of  the  most 
primitive  kingdoms  and  the  most  ancient  kings.  '  In  the 
most  remote  antiquity,*  says  Jahn,-t  *  aristocracies  and 
democracies    were    w^ell  known,      The    inhabitants   of 

*  Ibid,  vol.  i.  pp.  28-35,85. 

t  Algernon  Sydney's  Disc,  on  Govt.  ch.  i.  §  7,   Lend.  1751,  3d  ed. 
jHist.  of  Heb.  Commonvv^ealth,  p.  59.     See  also  Sydney's  Disc,  on 
Govt.  ch.  ii.  §  8,  10,  16  and  18. 


32  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

Gibeon,  Chepliirah,  Beeroth,  and  Kirjathjearim,  had 
neither  king  nor  prince.  The  national  council  and  the 
people  commissioned  ambassadors  and  concluded  alli- 
ances. The  Philistines  were  governed  by  five  princes. 
The  Phenicians  were  not,  at  all  times,  under  regal  gov- 
ernment, and  when  monarchy  existed,  the  power  of  the 
king  was  very  much  limited.  The  Carthaginians,  who 
emigrated  from  Phenicia,  and  probably  formed  their 
government  on  the  model  of  that  of  the  mother  country, 
from  the  first  introduced  an  aristocracy,  in  many  respects 
similar  to  the  old  Venitian  oligarchy.  If  the  story  of 
Herodotus  (HI.  80,  81,)  be  true,  the  great  Persian  mon- 
archy, after  the  death  of  the  impostor  Smerdis,  came 
very  near  being  transformed  to  a  democracy.'  The 
ancient  states  of  Gaul  also,  from  whence  the  Britons 
were  probably  derived,  were  aristocratic  republics.  In 
these  it  was  customary  to  elect  a  prince  or  chief  governor 
annually ;  and  a  general  was  likewise  appointed  by  the 
multitude  to  take  command  in  war.  Alliances  between 
the  difierent  tribes  was  also  a  very  prominent  feature  in 
their  mode  of  government.  A  government  of  the  same 
description  had,  before  Caesar's  time,  extended  itself  in 
Britain.^ 

The  Hebrew  magistrates,!  who  were  very  jealous  of 
their  prerogatives,  managed  the  political  concerns  of  the 
nation ;  and  their  powers  were  so  extensive,  that  Jose- 
phus  chooses  to  denominate  the  government  an  artisto- 
cracy.  Moses  laid  all  the  precepts  and  orders,  which  he 
received  from  Jehovah,  before  the  magistrates,  acknow- 
ledged their  authority  in  the  strongest  terms,  and  sub- 
mitted their  demands  to  the  decision  of  Jehovah.  But 
these  magistrates  could  neither  enact  laws  on  their  own 
authority,   nor   levy   taxes.       The   people   possessed   so 


*  Pritchard's  Researches  into  Nat.  Hist,  of  Man,  vol.  iii.pp.175,177. 
t  Jahn,  ibid,  pp.  59,  60,  and  Archasology,  §  219,  p.  261,  &c. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  33 

much  influence,  that  it  was  necessary,  in  all  important 
cases,  to  have  their  approbation ;  and  when  they  were 
not  consulted,  they  often  remonstrated  so  loudly,  as  to 
force  the  magistrates  to  hsten  to  them.  They  also  some- 
times proposed  laws,  to  be  adopted  by  their  legislatures  ; 
and  they  had  power  sufficient  to  rescue  Jonathan,  when 
his  life  was  endangered  in  consequence  of  the  hasty  vow 
of  their  first  monarch.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  the 
aristocracy  was  greatly  modified  and  limited  by  the  inter- 
mingling of  democracy.  On  this  account,  Lowman  and 
Michaelis  are  inclined  to  denominate  the  Mosaic  consti- 
tution a  democracy. 

'  The  truth,'  says  Jahn,*  '  seems  to  be  between  these 
two  opinions.  The  Hebrew  government,  putting  out  of 
view  its  theocratical  features,  was  of  a  mixed  form,  in 
some  respects  approaching  to  a  democracy,  in  others 
assuming  more  of  an  aristocratical  character,'  —  that  is, 
it  was,  as  we  have  defined  it,  a  republic.  The  aflws  of 
this  national  church  were  conducted  by  a  regular  series 
of  gradually  ascending  assemblies,  representing  the  fam- 
ilies, the  tribes,  and  the  whole  twelve  tribes.  These 
were  composed  of  the  princes,  or  heads  of  tribes,  and  of 
persons  expressly  denominated  '  those  called  to  the 
assembly,  those  deputed  to  the  assembly,  and  the  elders 
of  the  assembly.'!  These  are  called  by  Jahn,  '  comitia, 
or  legislative  assemblies.'  These  legislative  assemblies 
exercised  all  the  rights  of  sovereignty.  They  declared 
war,  made  peace,  formed  alliances,  chose  generals,  chief 
judges  or  regents,  and  kings.  They  prescribed  to  the 
rulers,  whom  they  elected,  the  principles  by  which  they 
were  to  govern  ;  they  tendered  to  them  the  oath  of  office, 
and  rendered  them  homage. 

*  Archaeology,  p.  262.  Algernon  Sydney's  Disc,  on  Govt.  ch.  ii.  § 
9.  Locke  on  Govt.  B.  i.  ch.  xi.  §  1G8,  169.  See  also  Lamy's  Appa- 
ratus Biblicus,  B.  i.  ch.  xi.  p.  195,  &c. 

t  Jahn's  Heb.  Com.  pp.  48  and  56.  ArchaDology,  §  218.  Michaelis's 
Com.  on  Laws  of  Moses,  art.  45,  vol.  i.  p.  229. 


34  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

The  number  of  these  who  were  intrusted  with  power 
as  judges,  genealogists,  lieads  of  famihes,  princes  of 
tribes,  and  kings,  or  supreme  judges,  and  who  were  all 
representatives  of  the  people,  and  elected  by  them,  was 
immense.  There  were,  even  at  first,  about  sixty  thou- 
sand judges  of  tens,  twelve  thousand  judges  of  fifties, 
six  thousand  judges  of  hundreds,  and  six  hundred  judges 
of  thousands.*  Every  tribe  had,  therefore,  its  own  chief 
magistrate,  with  the  subordinate  rulers,  and  was,  in  itself, 
a  distinct  and  independent  republic,  which  often  acted  as 
such,  not  only  when  there  was  neither  king  nor  judge, 
but  even  in  the  times  of  the  kings. t  '  The  constitution 
of  Israel  may,  in  this  respect,'  says  Michaelis,-!  '  be  con- 
sidered, as  in  some  measure,  resembling  that  of  Switzer- 
land, where  thirteen  cantons,  of  which  each  has  a  govern- 
ment of  its  own,  and  exercises  the  right  of  war,  are  all 
united  into  one  great  republic.  All  the  twelve  tribes  had, 
at  least,  one  commonweal.  They  had  general  diets,  of 
which,  we  find  examples  in  the  twenty-third  and  twenty- 
fourth  chapters  of  Joshua.  They  were  bound,  at  least, 
by  law  and  compact,  to  take  the  field  against  a  common 
enemy ;  and  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  as  mentioned  above, 
took  it  as  a  serious  injury,  that,  without  waiting  for  their 
assistance,  the  tribes  beyond  the  Jordan  had  gone  to  war 
with  the  Ammonites.  They  frequently  had  general 
judges,  and  afterwards  general  sovereigns.  And,  even  in 
times  when  they  had  no  common  head,  any  particular 
tribe  that  refused  the  administration  of  justice,  might  be 
accused  before  the  other  tribes,  who  were  authorized  to 
carry  on  war  against  it  as  a  punishment.  Of  this,  we 
find  a  remarkable  instance  in  the  twentieth  chapter  of 
Judges.^^ 

*See  Jahn's  Pleb.  Com.  pp.  45-47. 
t  Michaelis's  Com.  on  Laws  of  Moses,  vol.  i.  p.  234. 
J  Ibid,  pp.  235,  2.36. 

§  See  also,  on  this  subject,  Dr.  Spring's  Obligations  of  the  World  to 
the  Bible,  p.  109,  &c.  N.  Y.  1839. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    RErUBLICANISM. 


SECTION     IV. 

The  principles  of  repuhlica7iism  fully  developed  in  Vue 
christian  church. 

This  view  of  the  republican  character  of  the  HebreAV 
pohty,  which  might  be  enlarged  by  a  reference  to  the 
synagogues,  already  brought  under  review,^  will  prepare 
ns  for  considering  the  republicanism  of  the  christian 
church.  This,  like  the  Jewish  church,  is  in  its  complete 
form,  a  theocracy,  Christ  being  King  and  Head  of  Zion  ; 
but,  unlike  that,  it  is  not  of  this  world,  having  no  reference 
to  civil  or  political  concerns,  as  matters  of  jurisdiction,  but 
being  exclusively  conversant  with  spiritual  things.  Being, 
however,  founded  on  earth  ;  having  for  its  subjects  living 
men ;  and  its  affairs  being,  therefore,  necessarily  admin- 
istered by  human  agents,  the  church,  as  visible,  must 
have  some  visible  form,  constitution,  and  pohty. 

The  original  constitution  of  the  christian  church  was, 
it  has  been  said,  a  supreme  theocracy,  with  a  subordinate 
democracy,  modified  by  an  elective  aristocracy.!  The 
head  of  the  whole  body  was  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  The 
democracy  was  found  in  the  christian  laity,  the  members 
of  the  church ;  and  the  aristocracy  in  those  officers  who 
were  elected  by  them  to  rule  over  them  in  the  Lord,  and 
to  administer  His  ordinances  and  statutes.  *  But  in 
process  of  time  the  theocracy  was  greatly  neglected,  the 
democracy  oppressed  and  almost  annihilated  by  the  aris- 
tocracy ;  and  the  aristocracy  itself  converted,  first  into  an 
ambitions  oligarchy,  and  lastly  into  a  tyrannical  des- 
potism.'t 

That  the  christian  church  was  originally  republican,  in 
contrast  with  monarchy  on  the  one  hand,  and  democracy 

*  See  the  Author's  work,  '  Presbytery  and  not  Prelacy  the  Scrip- 
tural  and  Primitive  Polity.'     B.  i.  ch.  xiii.  §  3. 
t  See  Eccl.  Chron.  by  Rev.  J.  Kiddle,  p.  13. 
X  Ibid,  p.  14. 


36  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

on  tlie  other,  has  been  generally  acknowledged  *  This 
republican  character  continued  till  the  time  of  Constan- 
tino, and  is  thus  described  by  a  philosophical  Romanist, 
in  a  work  issued  as  a  prize  essay,  by  the  National  Insti- 
tute of  France.!  '  While  the  apostles  lived,  they  were 
naturally  the  heads  of  the  communities  or  churches  of 
which  they  were  the  institutors.  After  their  death,  the 
last  pastor  was  replaced  by  his  principal  disciple.  Sev- 
eral of  these  churches  sometimes  agreed  with  each  other, 
and  formed  a  sort  of  confederation,  which  appointed  a 
common  head,  a  visiter,  episcopus,  or  bishop  :  afterwards 
they  separated  to  subsist  alone,  or  to  unite  with  others. 
In  general,  they  kept  voluntarily  within  the  limits  of  a 
province,  prccfecture,  or  diocese  of  the  Roman  empire. 
Each  christian,  however,  was  a  disciple,  an  active  mem- 
ber of  the  church  or  confederation  to  which  he  belonged. 
The  pastors  were  the  spiritual  magistrates  of  them,  repub- 
lican magistrates,  whose  decision,  in  matters  of  behef, 
was  only  valid,  because  they  were  beheved  to  be  wiser 
or  better  informed. $ 


*  See  Father  Paul's  History  of  Benefices,  p.  52,  &c.  Neander's 
Hist,  of  the  First  Planting  of  Christianity,  vol.  i.  p.  165,  N.  and  p.  42. 
Waddington's  Church  Hist.  pp.  23,  24,  Eng.  Ed.  Baxter's  Disput.  on 
Ch.  Govt.  p.2G7.  Allsop's  Melius  Inquirendum,  p.  235.  Lord  Brooke 
on  Episcopacy,  pp.  SO  -  S3.  That  it  has  been  generally  treated  of  under 
this  name,  appears  from  the  names  of  some  among  many  works.  Pal- 
mer on  the  Ch.  vol.  i.  p.  329.  Bishop  White's  Mem.  of  Prot.  Ep.  Ch. 
p.  76.  Dominis  Mark  Antony  De  Archbishop  of  Spalato  in  Dalmatia. 
De  Rep.  Ecclesiast.  libri  x.  Lond.  1617,  3  vols.  Andreas  John  Valen- 
tine, a  Lutheran,  Reipubl.  Christiano-politanae  Descriptio.  Sancta 
Mar'ia  Juan  de  Repub.  Polit.  Church  Par.  1631,  4to.  Fixlanilmer 
Placidus,  a  German,  Reipub.  Sacrae  Origines  Divina?,  1760.  INIilman's 
Hist,  of  Christ,  vol.  ii.  p.  65.     Hoppus  on  Schism,  p.  219. 

t  Villers  on  the  Reformation,  p.  308. 

t'  The  situation  of  the  churches,'  says  Neander,  (Hist,  of  the  Chr. 
Ch.  vol.  i.  p.  195.  See  also  196,  197,  and  19S,)  'during  the  persecu- 
tions, and  the  numerous  oppressions,  in  which  the  energetic  conduct  of 
one  man  at  the  head  of  affairs  might  prove  of  great  use,  furthered  the 
formation  of  the  monarchical  government  in  the  church.  And  yet, 
even  in  the  third  century,  the  presbyters  were  at  the  side  of  the  bishops, 
as  a  college  of  councillors,  and  the  bishops  undertook  nothing  weighty 
without  gathering  together  this  council.' 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  37 

From  the  time  of  Constantine,  A.  D.  325,  to  Mahomet, 
A.  D.  604,  the  church  was  governed  by  an  ohgarchy.  And 
yet  even,  of  this  period,  the  same  writer  says,  *  the 
bishops  and  patriarchs  still  compose  an  ohgarchy,  in 
which  none  submits  legally  to  the  authority  of  a  single 
one.  Laymen  and  priests  still  preserve  their  rights,  and 
patriarchs  bow  to  the  authority  of  a  council,  diet,  or  par- 
liament of  this  church  republic.'* 

From  the  period  last  named,  until  the  time  of  Hilde- 
brand,  A.  D.  1073,  the  authority  of  the  Roman  See  became 
predominant  in  the  west,  both  in  spiritual  and  temporal 
matters,  and  the  government  of  the  church  monarchical. t 
From  that  time  until  the  reformation,  the  authority  of  the 
Roman  See  was  unlimited,  the  popes  were  regarded  as 
the  representatives  of  God,  and  the  earth  as  their  domain ; 
and  the  government  of  the  church,  therefore,  was  an 
unlimited  spiritual  despotism. t 

*  The  acts  of  papal  omnipotence,'  adds  this  Romish 
author,  '  during  its  course,  were  the  humiliation,  urged  to 
excess,  of  all  christian  princes  and  people  ;  rebels  sup- 
ported and  encouraged  every  where,  against  the  legitimate 
authority,  when  that  of  the  pope  was  in  opposition  to  it ; 
sovereigns  dispossessed  and  excommunicated,  as  well  as 
their  subjects  ;  crowns  taken  away,  given,  sold,  according 
to  the  interests  or  passions  of  the  pontiff;  the  bishops  and 
clergy  of  all  the  catholic  countries  subjected  to  his  will, 
receiving  from  him  the  investiture  of  their  charges,  and 
holding  them  almost  exclusively  of  him ;  so  that  the  hierar- 
chy every  where  formed  a  state  within  a  state,  under  the 
dominion  of  a  foreign  despotic  chief,  who,  by  its  means, 
disposed  of  all  the  consciences,  and  of  nearly  all  the  riches 
of  a  country.  The  means  employed  by  the  court  of  Rome, 
to  support  so  many  usurpations,  were,  besides  the  fictitious 

*  Villers  on  the  Reformation,  p.  315. 
tlbid,p.323,&c. 

t  Ibid,  p.  334. 

4 


38  ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISxM. 

historical  proofs,  which  imposed  on  the  ignorance  of  these 
times,  effrontery,  perseverance,  uniformity  of  design, 
which  were  always  superior  to  the  weakness  and  disun- 
ion of  their  opponents ;  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy  ;  auric- 
ular confession ;  the  establishment  of  the  mendicant 
orders  and  that  of  the  inquisition ;  the  crusades,  underta- 
ken by  the  christian  princes,  under  the  authority  of  the 
church;  the  immense  sums  which  all  the  countries  of  the 
west  poured  into  the  pontifical  treasury,  under  different 
names,  tithes,  Peter's  pence,  taxes,  dispensations,  &c.; 
the  indulgences  and  jubilees  ;  the  doctrine  of  purgatory, 
which  they  employed  as  a  support ;  that  of  transubstan- 
tiation;  the  worship  of  saints,  of  relics,  and  miraculous 
images,  pilgrimages  ;  in  fine,  every  thing  which  is  capable 
of  transferring  religion  to  the  senses  of  mankind,  and 
consequently,  of  nourishing  and  exciting  fanaticism,  by 
depriving  the  mind  of  all  right  to  examine  and  to  weigh.' 

It  must  be  allowed,  that  in  the  New  Testament  we 
nowhere  meet  with  the  terms  monarchical,  aristocratical, 
or  republican,  nevertheless  the  republican  character  of  the 
christian  church  may  be  seen,  by  looking  at  its  doctrines, 
its  spirit,  and  its  institutions. 

The  doctrines  of  Christianity  breathe  the  spirit  of  repub- 
licanism. All  the  opposite  forms  of  government  are 
founded  upon  four  great  sophisms,  which  were  long  re- 
ceived as  axiomatic  truths ;  first,  tliat  the  noble,  the  rich, 
and  the  great,  are,  by  nature  and  divine  right,  superior  to 
their  fellow  men  ;  secondly,  that  the  other  classes  of 
society  were  designed  to  be  in  absolute  subjection  to  the 
guidance  of  the  great;  thirdly,  that  passive  obedience  is 
the  sam  of  all  civil  virtue  ;  and  fourthly,  that  true  dignity 
and  glory  are  found  only  in  elevated  rank,  in  power,  in 
wealth,  and  in  conquest.*     Now  these  sophisms   Christ 


*  See  a  very  able  work,  by  '  Brutus,'  Foreign  Conspiracy  against  the 
United  Slates,  p.  160. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  39 

completely  and  everlastirgly  destroyed,  by  passing  by 
these  elevated  conditions  of  humanity,  which  he  might 
have  assumed  ;  by  being  born  of  humble  parents,  and  in 
a  lowly  condition ;  and  by  identifying  himself  through  his 
whole  life,  with  the  people,  and  setting  at  nought  all  the 
pride,  pomp,  and  circumstance  of  nobility  and  power.=^ 
The  whole  tenor  of  his  instructions  conveyed  the  same 
lessons  to  mankind.  He  taught  that  his  kingdom  was 
not  of  this  world,  and,  therefore,  that  while  it  was  a  mon- 
archy, it  was  so  only  in  relation  to  himself,  as  its  invisible 
and  eternal  king.  He  retained  all  headship  to  himself,  so 
that  He  is  now,  as  much  as  when  on  earth,  head  over  all 
things  to  his  church.  All  power  is  given  unto  him,  and 
resides  in  him,  so  that  nothing  is  available  on  earth  but 
what  he  ratifies  in  heaven.  Christ,  therefore,  is  the  only 
source  of  all  spiritual  power ;  the  only  lawgiver  of  his 
church ;  the  only  supreme  executive  and  judicial  head. 
In  erecting  his  church,  he  environed  it  with  a  written 
constitution.  About  her  he  has  traced  a  circle,  like  that 
of  the  exorcist,  with  words  of  such  tremendous  power, 
that  even  the  gates  of  hell  cannot  overstep  it.  '  For  I 
testify  unto  every  man  that  heareth  the  words  of  the 
prophecy  of  this  book,  if  any  man  shall  add  unto  these 
things,  God  shall  add  unto  him  the  plagues  that  are  writ- 
ten in  this  book ;  and  if  any  man  shall  take  away  from 
the  words  of  the  book  of  this  prophecy,  God  shall  take 
away  his  part  out  of  the  book  of  life,  and  out  of  the  holy 
city,  and  from  the  things  which  are  written  in  this  book.' 
Christians  are,  therefore,  to  be  in  bondage  to  no  man. 
They  are  to  call  no  man  master  upon  earth,  seeing  that 
one  is  their  master,  even  Christ.  The  germ  of  the  entire 
system  of  equality,  as  now  developed  in  the  theory  of 

*  It  is  therefore  recorded,  that  '  the  common  people  heard  him  gladly.' 
'  The  cultivated  heathen,'  says  Tholuck,  '  were  offended  at  Christian- 
ity, precisely  for  this  reason,  that  the  higher  classes  could  no  longer 
have  precedence  of  the  common  people' 


40  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

republicanism,  is  contained  in  the  system  of  the  gospel. 
For,  since  Christ  has  for  ever  accomplished  all  that  was 
prefigured  by  the  priesthood  and  sacrifices  of  the  Old 
Testament,  and  all  that  is  necessary  to  secure  the  ever- 
lasting salvation  of  mankind,  it  follows  that  all  who  by 
faith  believe  upon  him,  appropriate  to  themselves  this 
salvation,  stand  in  no  need  of  any  other  mediation,  human 
or  super-human,  are  equally  related  to  Christ  and  to  God, 
are  equally  members  of  the  christian  commonwealth,  are 
in  God's  sight,  and  in  their  spiritual  birthright  and  priv- 
ileges, altogether  equal.  This  system  precludes  for  ever 
the  possibility  of  those  distinctions  which  are  found  in  all 
other  forms  of  religion,  between  a  priestly  caste,  who  are 
by  divine  right  superior,  and  a  plebeian  caste,  of  whom 
these  priests  are  the  necessary  governors,  mediators,  and 
directors.*  On  these  grounds  even  the  apostles  always 
put  themselves  on  an  equality  with  their  brethren,  and 
asked  an  interest  in  their  common  prayers,  and  instead  of 
tutoring  the  people  to  a  condition  of  pupilage,  depend- 
ence and  vassalage,  encouraged  them  to  feel  that  they 
were  all,  equally  with  them,  kings  and  priests  unto  God  ;t 
and  placed  in  this  very  spirit,  that  liberty  by  which  they 
were  so  eminently  distinguished  above  both  Jews  and 
Gentiles.* 

Christ  therefore  established  the  first  idea  of  a  universal 
religion,  a  fraternity  of  all  men  under  the  authority  of  a 
common  head,  a  confederation  of  all  in  the  one  universal 
republic  —  his  church.$  How  did  Christ  break  down  the 
middle  virall  of  partition  between  Jew  and  Gentile,  crush 
the  narrow  jealousies,  and  proudly  assumed  superiority 
of  the  former  over  the  latter,  and  acknowledge  the  Gen- 
tiles as  members  of  God's  kingdom,  Avith  equal  privileges. 

*  Epistle  to  Galatians,  &c. 
t  Rev.  12:  1,  and  1  Peter,  2:  9. 

J  Villers  on  the  Ref.  p.  303.  See  this  idea  beautifully  developed  by 
Reinhard,  in  his  Plan  of  the  Founder  of  Christianity. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  41 

How  constantly  does  Paul  contend  for  the  independence 
of  Christianity,  upon  all  the  forms  and  hierarchical  notions 
of  less  enhghtened  brethren.  In  all  his  epistles,  we 
find  noble  protests  against  the  Jadaizing  spirit  of  intoler- 
ance, and  in  favor  of  the  freedom  of  the  Gentile  christian 
churches.  The  consciousness  of  divine  life,  received  from 
Christ,  thus  necessarily  led  to  the  recognition  of  a  com- 
munion embracing  all  mankind,  a  unity  which  counterbal- 
anced all  the  other  differences  existing  among  mankind 
and  which  reconciled  the  most  marked  contrarieties,  aris- 
ing either  from  religion,  national  peculiarities,  or  mental 
culture.  '  For  ye  are  all  the  children  of  God,  by  faith  in 
Christ  Jesus,  for  as  many  of  you  as  have  been  baptized  in- 
to Christ,  have  put  on  Christ.'^ 

Christ  also  abjured  all  employment  offeree  or  compul- 
sion, in  the  propagation  or  preservation  of  the  gospel.  He 
rebuked  the  disciples,  who  would  have  called  down  fire 
from  heaven  to  consume  their  adversaries  ;  telling  them 
that  they  knew  not  what  spirit  they  were,  (or  should  be,) 
of,  as  Christians.  He  rebuked  Peter  when  he  drew  his 
sword  against  the  high  priest's  servants,  assuring  him  that 
they  who  draw  the  sword,  shall  perish  by  the  sword. 
When  he  could  have  summoned  to  his  rescue  '  more  than 
tvrelve  legions  of  angels,'  he  meekly  submitted  to  the  pow- 
er of  his  enemies  ;  and  when  all  authority  was  given  to  him 
in  heaven  and  on  earth,  he  sent  forth  his  disciples,  not  to 
subjugate  or  coerce,  but  to  teach  all  nations  whatsoever 
he  had  commanded  them.  In  short,  as  the  Abbe  de  la 
Menais  familiarly  and  frequently  says,  Christ  was,  if  we 
may  reverently  speak  it,  the  great  republican  of  his 
age.t 

Neither  is  any  thing  more  frequently  and  forcibly  incul- 
cated in  the  New  Testament,  than  the  right  and  duty  of 


*  Neander's  Plant,  of  Chr.  Ch.  ii.  165. 

1"  See  in  Dr.  Spring's  Oblig.  of  the  World  to  the  Bible,  p.  115. 
4* 


42  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

private  judgment.  It  addresses  its  hearers  as  '  reasona- 
ble men.'  It  '  commends  the  truth  to  every  man's  con- 
science in  the  sight  of  God.'  It  calls  upon  all  that  have 
ears,  to  hear ;  upon  all  that  hear  to  search  the  scriptures 
whether  the  things  heard  are  so ;  to  prove  all  things,  and 
to  hold  fast  that  which  is  good.  And  it  requires  every  man 
to  be  fully  persuaded  in  his  own  mind,  and  thus  to  be  able 
to  give  a  reason  of  the  hope  that  is  in  him,  to  every  one 
that  asketli  it. 

Equally  opposed  is  the  whole  tenor  of  the  gospel  to  all 
formalism  and  to  that  ritual  kind  of  worship,  from  which  it 
was  a  deliverance.  It  is  eminently  simple,  spiritual,  and 
rational.  And  while  it  necessarily  accommodates  itself,  in 
some  measure,  to  the  weakness  of  man,  in  the  employment 
of  outward  rites  and  external  worship,  it  warns  every  man 
that  '  the  letter  killeth,  the  spirit  giveth  life ;'  and  that 
'  circumcision  is  nothing,  and  uncircumcision,  (or  baptism,) 
is  nothing,  but  a  new  creature.'  Paul  declares,  that '  Christ 
sent  him  not  to  baptize,  (or  to  administer  sacraments  and 
frame  liturgies,  and  prescribe  fasts  and  saint's  days,)  but 
to  preach  the  gospel.'  '  Let  no  man,  therefore,'  says  the 
inspired  apostle,  'judge  or  condemn  you,  in  regard  to  the 
use  of  meat  or  drink,  which  they  choose  to  interdict,  or  for 
not  observing  the  festivals  and  holy  days  they  choose  to 
establish.  These  things,  as  established  under  the  former 
economy,  were  only  a  shadow  of  good  things  to  come, 
but  Christ  and  his  gospel  are  the  body,  and  contain 
all  things  necessary  to  be  either  believed  or  practiced. 
Wherefore  if  ye,  by  belief  in  Christ,  are  freed  from  any  ne- 
cessity for  trusting  in  these  worldly  and  carnal  ordinances, 
why  do  ye  still,  as  if  bound  by  them,  subject  yourselves  to 
such  human  institutions,  which  are  only  enforced  by  the 
commandments  and  doctrines  of  depraved  and  supersti- 
tious men.'"^ 

*  Col.  2. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPCBLIUANISM.  43 

Such  are  some  of  the  principles  of  the  gospel.  And 
well  do  they  entitle  it  to  be  called  '  the  glorious  liberty  of 
the  children  of  God.'  Instead  of  weakening  our  attach- 
ment to  the  principles  of  liberty,  it  augments  it  a  hundred 
fold,  by  that  spirit  of  noble  independence  it  inspires  ;  by 
the  magnitude  of  those  religious  privileges  it  confers  ;  and 
by  the  ardor  and  tenacity  with  which  it  leads  us  to  cling 
to  them.  It  is  irreconcilable  with  spiritual  despotism.  It 
leads  not  only  to  perfect  equality,  but  to  perfect  freedom. 
It  proclaims  to  every  man  liberty  of  conscience,  free  from 
the  doctrines  and  impositions  of  men,  guided  and  restrain- 
ed only  by  that  '  law  of  liberty,'  whose  service  is  perfect 
freedom.^ 

And  if,  now,  we  turn  from  the  principles  and  spirit,  to 
the  institutions  of  Christ,  we  will  find  them  equally  har- 
monious with  the  genius  of  republicanism.  Christ  insti- 
tuted a  church — and  what  is  the  church  ?  It  is  the  whole 
number  of  Christ's  faithful  people.  It  includes  every  true 
believer,  whether  high  or  low,  rich  or  poor,  learned  or  un- 
learned. To  these  he  gave  his  commission.  To  these  he 
bequeathed  his  promises.  To  these  he  delegated  the  ad- 
ministration of  his  laws,  the  proclamation  of  his  gospel,  and 
the  propagation  of  his  cause  ;  and  these,  wherever  they 
are  found,  are  members  of  the  church  of  Christ.  The  first 
christian  community  constituted,  as  it  were,  one  family.  It 
was  based  upon  the  recognition  of  a  full  and  perfect  equal- 
ity, in  all  its  members,  neither  sacrificing  the  individual  to 
the  community,  nor  the  community  to  the  individual.  Ev- 
ery christian  was  then  a  priest  and  a  king  unto  God,  and 
had  a  full  participation,  cither  personally,  or  through  others 
delegated  by  him,  in  all  the  acts  of  government,  and  disci- 
pline, and  in  the  appointment  of  officers  t     All  the  mem- 

*  See  Symington's  Dominion  of  Christ,  p.  210,  and  Chalmers's  Wlcs. 
vol.  vi.  pp.  179,  180. 

t  Neander's  Plant,  of  the  Chr.  Ch.  vol.  i.  pp.  37,  41,  42.  See  also 
Claude's  Def.  of  the  Ref.  part  iv.  ch.  iii.  p.  233,  vol.  ii. 


44  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

bers  of  the  community  took  part  in  its  government,  and 
each  had  an  equal  right  to  do  so.  As  none  were  different 
from  their  fellows,  none  could  exercise  tyrannical  power. 
They  were  perfectly  free,  because  entirely  equal,  and  they 
were  all  entirely  equal,  because  perfectly  free.*" 

Christ  instituted  a  ministry  and  officers  for  his  church — 
and  who  are  these  ?  Any  aristocratic  body  ?  No.  Any 
spiritual  nobility  ?  No.  Any  close  corporation  of  self-ex- 
alted dignitaries,  who  might  perpetuate,  in  hereditary  suc- 
cession, their  '  plenitude  of  episcopal  power  and  grace  ? ' 
No.  Any  vassal  throng  of  eunuch  celibates  or  monks,  the 
body-guard  of  Him  who  sitteth  in  the  temple  of  God,  as 
the  vicar  of  Christ,  and  calling  himself  God  ?  Oh  no. 
riiey  are  those  whom  he  calls  by  his  grace  and  Spirit, 
riiey  are  those  whom  he  makes  willing  by  his  power. 
They  are  those  whom  his  foithful  people  elect  and  choose 
to  minister  to  them  in  holy  things.!  They  are  taken 
from  among  the  people.  They  are  those  who  are  tried  in 
all  points  as  the  people  ;  who  sustain  all  the  cares,  and  dis- 
charge all  the  duties,  devolving  on  the  people  ;  and  who 
are  thus  touched  with  a  feeling  of  all  their  people's  infirmi- 
ties. They  are  educated  by  the  people.  Their  gifts  are 
tried  by  the  people.  They  are  called  to  their  work  by  the 
people, $  and  they  are  sustained  in  their  labors  by  the  free- 

^  Tocqueville,  ii.  99. 

t  See  Claude,  Ibid. 

J  '  So  far  as  regards  elections  to  these  offices,'  says  Neander,  (Hist, 
of  the  Chr.  Ch  vol.  i.  pp.  191, 192.) 'we  are  without  sufficient  informa- 
tion to  decide  certainly,  how  it  was  managed  in  the  first  apostolic 
times,  and  it  is  very  possible,  that  from  a  difference  in  circumstances, 
the  same  method  of  proceeding  was  not  adopted  in  all  cases.  As  the 
apostles, on  the  appointment  of  the  deacons,  allowed  the  church  itself 
to  choose  ;  and  as  this  also  was  the  case,  when  deputies  were  sent  by 
the  churches,  in  their  name,  to  accompany  the  apostles,  (2  Cor.  8:  19,) 
we  may  conclude  that  a  similar  proceeding  was  resorted  to  in  the  ap- 
pointment to  other  church  offices.' 

Of  a  later  period  he  speaks,  at  pp.  203,  204,  '  In  regard  to  the  elec- 
tion into  church  offices,  the  old  principle  was  nevertheless  constantly 
abided  by,  that  the  consent  of  the  church  was  required,  to  ratify  such  an 
election,  and  that  every  one  was  at  liberty  to  bring  forward  objections 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  45 

will  contributions  of  the  people.  They  are,  therefore,  the 
servants  of  the  people.  They  exist  for  the  people,  and 
not  the  people  for  them.  They  are  the  shepherds  of  the 
flock. 

Christ  instituted  two,  and  only  two  sacraments,  and 
these  are  open  alike  to  the  rich  and  to  the  poor,  to  the 
bond  and  to  the  free,  to  the  male  and  to  the  female. 

Christ  instituted  church  courts  for  the  decision  of  con- 
troversies, either  in  cases  of  conscience,  or  in  point  of 
manners,  for  the  admission  or  exclusion  of  members  from 
the  body.  Now  in  each  and  all  of  these,  the  people  sat, 
not  en  masse,  but  by  their  chosen  representatives  or  del- 
egates. The  very  first  christian  convention  held  at  Jeru- 
salem, was  a  meeting  of  chosen  delegates,  and  the  first 
controversy  respected  the  liberties  of  the  church."^  '  If 
we  rightly  consider  apostolic  example,  councils  are  nothing 
but  general  presbyteries,'!  representing  the  interests  of 
many  churches,  just  as  particular  presbyteries  watched 
over  the  afiairs  of  individual  churches.  In  these  sat  the 
apostles,  when  alive  and  present,  the  presb^^ters,  and  the 
brethren  who  were  chosen  to  such  office  by  the  people. 
These  officers,  or  christian  magistrates,  were  elective  by 
the  people  of  each  particular  church.  They  were  also 
numerous,  constituting  a  college  or  senate.      In   every 


against  it.  The  Emperor  Alexander  Severus  was  aware  of  this  regu- 
lation of  the  Christian  Church,  and  he  appealed  to  it,  when  he  wished 
to  introduce  a  similar  course  in  the  election  of  the  civil  magistrates  in 
towns.  When  Cyprian,  bishop  of  Carthage,  separated  from  his  church, 
by  calamitous  circumstances,  named  men  of  his  neighborhood  who  had 
particularly  distinguished  themselves  in  the  persecution,  he  apologized 
for  this  arbitrary  conduct,  v.'hich  had  been  wrung  from  him  by  neces- 
sity, before  the  laity  and  the  clergy,  and  he  writes  to  both  :  '  We  are 
accustomed  to  call  you  together  to  consult  previously  to  the  consecra- 
tion to  spiritual  offices,  and  to  weigh  the  character  and  merits  of  all  in 
a  general  consultation.'  That  principle  was  also  recognised  in  the 
appointment  to  the  episcopal  office, it  was  the  prevailing  custom  in  the 
third  century. 

*Neander"s  Hist,  of  the  Planting  of  Ch.  Chr.  vol.  i.  pp.  130,147.  See 
also  Lord  Brooke,  on  Episcop.  pp.  80-63. 

t  Milton's  Works,  vol.  i.p.  106. 


46  ECCLESIASTICAL    HErUBLICANISM. 

assem])ly  or  senate,  the  laity  had  their  representatives. 
Finally,  these  officers  were  not  thrust  upon  the  people  by 
any  appointment  exterior  to  themselves,  but  were  chosen 
by  their  own  free  and  unrestrained  votes,  from  the  general 
body.^ 

The  form  of  government  in  each  christian  church  was 
not  monarchical,  since  the  supreme  power  was  not  lodged 
in  the  hands  of  any  one  individual.  '  The  monarchical 
principle,'  says  Neander,!  '  in  spiritual  things  accords  ill 
with  the  spirit  of  Christianity,'  &c.,  which  constantly  points 
to  the  feelings  of  mutual  need,  and  the  necessity  and 
blessing  of  common  deliberation,  as  well  as  of  common 
prayer.  Where  two  or  three  are  gathered  together  in  the 
name  of  the  Lord,  there,  also,  he  promises  will  he  be 
among  them.  In  addition  to  this,  it  was  the  custom  of 
Christianity,  to  appropriate  to  its  own  use  existing  forms, 
when  it  found  any  which  suited  its  spirit  and  its  essence. 
Now  there  was  actually  a  form  of  government  existing  in 
the  Jewish  synagogues,  and  in  all  the  sects  which  had 
their  origin  in  Judaism ;  and  this  was  in  no  respect  a  mo- 
narchical, but  an  aristocratical,  that  is,  republican  form ; 
a  council  of  the  elderly  men,  TTQFaSuTFQot,  which  conducted 
all  common  affairs.  It  was  most  natural  for  Christianity, 
developing  itself  from  out  of  Judaism,  to  embrace  this 
form.  This  form  must  also,  wherever  churches  were 
established  in  the  Roman  empire,  among  the  heathen, 
have  appeared  the  most  natural ;  for  men  were  here 
accustomed,  from  of  old,  to  see  the  affairs  of  the  town 
carried  on  by  a  senate,  the  assembly  of  decuriones.  That 
the  comparison  of  ecclesiastical  administration  with  the 
political,  really  took  place  here,  is  shown  by  this,  that  the 
spiritual  persons  were  afterwards  named  an  ordo,  the 
leading   senate  of  the  church,  for  ordo  was  a  word  pecu- 


*  See  Neander's  Planting  of  Chr.  Ch.  i.  pp.  165-181. 
t  Hist,  of  the  Chr.  Ch.  and  Rel.  i.  186,  187.     See  also  193. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  47 

liarly  appropriated  to  this  rank  of  senators,  ordo  scnatorum. 
In  compliance  with  this  form,  a  council  of  eiders  was  gen- 
erally appointed,  to  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  churches ; 
but  it  was  not  necessary  that  it  should  be  strictly  compo- 
sed of  those  who  were  the  most  aged,  although  age  was 
taken  very  much  into  the  account ;  but  age  was  rather 
considered  here  as  a  sign  of  dignity,  as  in  the  latin  senatus, 
or  in  the  Greek  yegovaux.  Besides  the  usual  appellation 
of  these  governors  of  the  churches,  namely,  presbyters, 
there  were  many  others  also  in  use,  designating  their 
peculiar  sphere  of  action,  as  shepherds,  and  one  of  these 
appellations  was  also  bishops,  denoting  their  office,  as 
leaders  and  overseers  over  the  whole  of  the  church.' 

Neither  w^as  the  form  of  the  apostolical  church  govern- 
ment democratical,  since  the  power  w^as  exercised,  not  by 
the  people,  in  mass,  but  through  their  appointed  officers, 
except  on  such  occasions,  when  it  became  necessary  for 
the  people  to  resume  their  authority,  and  to  elect  new 
officers.  The  government  of  the  primitive  church  was 
therefore  republican,  that  is,  the  sovereign  power  resided 
in  the  christian  people,  constituting  each  community ; 
the  supremacy  of  the  peo})le  was  acknowledged;  the 
equality  of  rights  and  powers  in  every  member  of  the 
church  preserved;  submission  to  laws  emanating  from 
them,  or  at  least  avouched  by  them,  alone,  required ;  while 
all  officers  were  elected  by  the  people,  were  amenable  to 
them,  held  office  over  them  at  their  will,  and  received 
compensation  to  perform  services  for  their  spiritual  ben- 
efit. '  As  to  what  further  regards  the  relation  of  these 
presbyters  to  the  churches,'  says  Neandcr,^ '  they  were  des- 
tined to  be,  not  unlimited  monarchs,  but  rulers  and  guides 
in  an  ecclesiastical  republic,  and  to  conduct  every  thing  in 
conjunction  with  the  church  assembled  together,  as  the 
servants,  and  not  the  masters  of  which,  they  were  to 
act.'     So  that  while  the   exercise  of  power  was  in  the 

*  History  of  the  Christian  Church,  vol.  i.  p.  193. 


48  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

officers,  that  is,  the  ministers  and  representatives  of  the 
people,  the  source  of  that  authority,  as  delegated  by  Christ, 
and  as  bounded  by  his  immutable  and  written  laws,  was 
in  the  people. 

'  Each  individual  church,'  adds  Mosheim,  in  his  Com- 
mentaries,^ '  assumed  to  itself  the  form  and  rights  of  a 
little  distinct  republic  or  commonwealth  ;  and  with  regard 
to  its  internal  concerns  was  wholly  regulated  by  a  code 
of  laws,  that,  if  they  did  not  originate  with,  had,  at  least, 
received  the  sanction  of  the  people  constituting  such 
church.  This  primitive  liberty  and  independence,  how- 
ever, was  by  degrees  relinquished,  and  it  became  the 
practice  for  all  the  minor  churches  within  a  province,  to 
form  themselves  into  one  large  association,  and  to  hold,  at 
stated  seasons,  much  after  the  manner  of  confederate  re- 
publics, a  convention,  in  which  the  common  interests  and 
welfare  of  the  whole  were  taken  into  consideration,  and 
provided  for.  Of  the  immediate  authors  of  this  arrange- 
ment we  are  uninformed,  but  it  is  certain  that  it  had  its 
origin  in  Greece  ;  and  there  are  many  things  which  com- 
bine to  prove,  that,  during  this  century,  it  did  not  extend 
itself  beyond  the  confines  of  Asia.  In  process  of  time, 
however,  the  very  great  advantages  attending  on  a  fed- 
eration of  this  sort,  becoming  apparent,  other  provinces 
were  induced  to  follow  the  example  of  Greece,  and  by 
degrees  this  form  of  government  became  general  through- 
out the  whole  church ;  so  that  the  christian  community 
may  be  said,  thenceforward,  to  have  resembled  one  large 
commonwealth,  made  up,  like  those  of  Holland  and  Swit- 
zerland, of  many  minor  republics.  These  conventions  or 
assemblies,  in  which  the  delegates  from  various  associated 
churches,  consulted  on  what  was  requisite  to  be  done  for 
the  common  welfare  of  the  whole,  were  termed  synods, 
by  the  Greeks,  and  by  thy  Latins,  councils.     To  the  laws 

*  Comment,  on  the  Affairs  of  Christ,  vol,  ii.  p.  99, 100. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM,  49 

enacted  by  these  deputies,  under  the  powers  with  which 
they  were  invested  by  their  respective  churches,  the 
Greeks  gave  the  name  of  canons,  or  general  rules,  and  by 
this  title  it  also  became  usual  for  them  to  be  distinguished 
by  the  Latins/ 

These  common  councils,  synods,  and  general  assem- 
blies, were  first  regularly  estabhshed  among  the  Greeks, 
a  country  which  had  been  accustomed  to  a  federal  system, 
and  to  the  use  of  public  assemblies  in  matters  of  legisla- 
ture and  jurisprudence.  We  have  records  preserved  of 
such  christian  assemblies,  as  early  as  A.  D.  160-173* 
It  was  impossible  they  should  have  been  formed  much 
earlier,  since  the  churches  and  presbyteries  were  compar- 
atively few,  far  apart,  and  prevented,  by  external  oppo- 
sition and  jealous  resistance,  from  making  any  visible 
display  of  their  union  or  their  strength.  From  the  very 
first,  however,  they  held  intercourse  and  exchanged  views ; 
granted  letters  of  intercommunion ;  and,  by  a  certain  com- 
mon law,  governed  the  whole  body.f  These  more  gen- 
eral associations  were,  therefore,  the  spontaneous  and 
necessary  development  of  the  principles  of  Christianity  — 
the  christian,  catholic  spirit.  They  appear,  says  Nean- 
der,1:  for  the  first  time,  as  a  constant  and  regular  institution, 
fixed  to  definite  terms,  about  the  end  of  the  second  or  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century ;  and  it  was  in  this  case  a 
peculiarity  of  one  country,  where  particular  local  causes 
may  have  introduced  such  an  arrangement  earlier  than  in 
other  regions.  This  country  was,  in  fact,  exactly  Greece, 
where,  from  the  time  of  the  Achaic  league,  the  system  of 
confederation  had  maintained  itself;  and  as  Christianity 
is  able  to  connect  itself  with  all  the  peculiarities  of  a 
people,  provided  they  contain  nothing  immoral,  and  enter- 
ing into  them,  to  take  itself  a  pecuhar  form  resembhng 

^Riddle's  Christ.  Antiq.  p.  223. 

t  Neander's  Hist,  of  the  Chr.  Relig.  and  Ch.  vol.  i.  p.  208.  &c. 

J  Ibid,  p.  212.  i-         . 

5 


50  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

them,  so  also  it  might  easily  happen,  that  here  the  civil 
federal  spirit  luhich  already  existed,  worked  upon  the  eccle- 
siastical catholic  spirit,  and  gave  it  earlier  than  in  other 
regions,  a  tolerably  good  form,  so  that  out  of  the  represent- 
ative assemblies  of  the  civil  communities,  the  Amphicty- 
onic  councils,  were  formed  the  representative  assemblies 
of  the  ecclesiastical  communities,  that  is,  the  provincial 
synods. 

Thus  evident  is  it,  that  whether  we  look  to  the  doctrines, 
the  spirit,  or  the  institutions  of  Christianity,  it  was  deeply 
imbued  with  the  essential  principles  of  republicanism. 
We  might  suppose  that  these  principles  had  been  derived 
from  our  own  American  union,  were  it  not  certain  that 
our  union  derived  them  from  Christianity.  '  And  we  all 
know,'  says  Mr.  Webster,  in  his  Address  on  Bunker  Hill,* 
'that  it  (the  American  revolution)  could  not  have  lived 
a  single  day  under  any  well  founded  imputation  of  pos- 
sessing a  tendency  adverse  to  the  christian  religion.' 
Something  analogous  was  indeed  found  in  the  Hebrew 
republic,  and,  as  derived  from  it,  in  the  democracies  of 
Greece ;  but  '  the  church  councils,'  as  even  a  prelatist 
confesses,  are  perhaps  the  first  decided  instance  in  the 
world's  history,  of  the  adoption  of  the  representative  mode 
of  government,'  through  a  confederation  of  independent 
republics.!  Such,  also,  is  the  opinion  of  Sir  James 
Mackintosh,  who,  in  his  History  of  England  says,  '  the 
synods  and  councils  formed  by  the  clergy,  afforded  the 
first  pattern  of  elective  and  representative  assemblies, 
which  were  adopted  by  the  independent  genius  of  the 
Germanic  race,'  for  many  ages.J 

*  1825,  p.  30. 

t  Keble  on  Tradition,  p.  144. 

\  Hist,  of  Eng:.  vol.  i.  p.  43.  See  also  Vaughan's  Life  of  Wickliffe, 
vol.  i.  12,  13.  The  late  Dewitt  Clinton  took  the  same  view^,  having 
declared  that '  Christianity  is  in  its  essence,  its  doctrines,  and  its  forms, 
republican.'  See  Dr.  Spring's  Obligations  of  the  World  to  the  Bible, 
p.  115. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  51 

And  it  was  the  glory  of  the  reformation,  that  by  the 
power  of  God,  who  Ufted  up  a  standard  against  the  enemy, 
it  expelled  from  the  church  that  anti-christian  hierarchy, 
wdiich  had  usurped  the  powers  of  government,  and  wielded 
a  spiritual  despotism  over  the  enslaved  people  ;  and  that 
it  restored  these  disfranchised  members  of  Christ's  body, 
the  laity,  to  the  discharge  of  their  proper  duties  in  it,  and 
to  the  consciousness  of  their  supreme  and  paramount 
importance* 

*  Dr.  Arnold.     See  on  this  subject,  Dr.  Spring's  Obligations  of  the 
World  to  the  Bible,  Lect.  iv. 


CHAPTER    II. 

PRESBYTERY     REPUBLICAN     BOTH     IN     ITS     DOCTRINAL    AND 
ECCLESIASTICAL    SYSTEMS. 


SECTION     I 


What   denominatio7is   are  included  U7ider  the  term  pres- 
hytery  in  the  present  argument. 

We  are  now  to  show  that  these  repubhcan  principles 
are  found  embodied  and  carried  out  in  the  doctrines  and 
order  of  the  presbyterian  church.  We  wish  it,  however, 
to  be  again  borne  in  mind,  that,  while  we  shall  take,  as  our 
model,  our  own  standards  and  discipline,  that  neverthe- 
less, we  include  under  the  term  presbyterian,  all  denom- 
inations which  are  governed  by  ministers  who  are  recog- 
nised as  of  one  order,  and  who,  as  well  as  their  other 
officers,  are  chosen,  are  removable,  and  are  supported,  by 
the  people  ;  who  acknowledge  the  right  and  duty  of  con- 
federated associations  among  the  churches,  composed  of 
lay  and  clerical  delegates,  for  mutual  advice,  direction, 
and  control ;  and  who,  while  republican,  are  not  strictly 
democratical,  or  congregational.  Our  remarks,  therefore, 
will  substantially  apply  to  the  Baptist  churches,  who  meet 
in  associations  ;  —  to  the  Lutheran  church ;  —  to  the  Re- 
formed church;  —  to  the  Dutch  Reformed  church ;  —  to 
the  Protestant  Methodist  church;  —  and  to  the  whole 
body  of  the  New  England  Puritans,  although  now  gen- 
erally denominated  congregationalists.  This,  however, 
is  not  their  true  character.     They  are  essentially  presby- 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  53 

terian  in  their  ministry;  —  in  their  church  officers,  who 
are  substantially  ruling  elders;  —  in  their  mode  of  edu- 
cating, licensing,  calling,  ordaining,  and  installing  pas- 
tors ;  —  in  their  mode  of  trial  and  appeal,  before  ecclesi- 
astical councils,  composed  of  delegated  members  ;  —  and 
in  their  associations  or  consociations,  which  meet  at  reg- 
ular periodic  times,  and  exercise  all  the  powers  of  our 
synods.  The  Cambridge  and  Saybrook  platforms,  which 
are  still  acknowledged  by  them,  are  almost  identical  with 
the  Westminster  standards.  Any  thing  *  savoring  of  inde- 
pendency,' was  in  time  past  treated  as  something  new 
and  unheard  of*  President  Dale,  of  Yale  College,  told 
Dr.  Lang,  he  had  never  heard  of  their  being  designated 
by  any  other  name  than  presbyterians  in  that  State,  till  he 
was  thirty  years  of  age.t  The  pilgrim  fathers  of  New 
England  distinctly  repudiated  the  system  of  pure  inde- 
pendency, originally  established  in  England.  This  will 
appear  from  the  valuable  work  of  Cotton,  edited  by  the 
celebrated  Thomas  Godwin  and  Philip  Nye,  and  re- 
cently reprinted  in  Boston.  These  authors  maintain  that 
Christ  gave  '  unto  the  elders  or  presbytery,  in  each  con- 
gregation, a  binding  power  of  rule  and  authority  peculiar 
unto  them  ;'  that  synods,  composed  of  *  a  communion  or 
association  of  churches  sending  their  elders,'  is  also  an 
ordinance  of  Christ,  and  has  '  authority  to  determine,  de- 
clare, and  enjoin  such  things  as  may  tend  to  the  reducing 
of  such  congregations  to  right  order  and  peace  ;'$  and 
that  their  scheme  of  church  government  is  the  '  middle 
way  between  that  which  is  called  Brownism  and  the 
presbyterial  government.^  The  present  deacons  of  con- 
gregational churches  are  substantially  the  ruling  elders  of 
presbyterian  churches,    their   councils   our   presbyteries, 

*  See  Dr.  Lang's   Relig.   and  Educ.  in  America,  p.   56,  where  he 
quotes  Dr.  Worcester's  Disc.  p.  53. 

t  Ibid,  p.  58.     See  the  whole  of  the  chapter. 

X  The  Keys  of  Heaven,  Boston,  1843.     Ep.  to  the  reader,  p.  7,&c. 

§  Ibid,  p.  7. 

5* 


64  ECCLESIASTICAL    RErUBLICANISM. 

and  their  consociations  our  synods.  All,  therefore,  that 
is  good  in  the  present  system,  or  the  past  working,  of 
New  England  piiritanism,  we  claim  for  presbyterianism  ; 
and  all  its  evils,  and  the  present  dangerous  symptoms  of 
departure  from  the  faith  of  their  fathers,  by  a  iiortion  of 
their  churches,  we  attribute,  in  part,  to  the  undue  prepon- 
derance of  the  democratic  over  the  republican  principle  * 


SECTION      II 


Presbytery  republican  in  its  doctrines. 

Now  that  our  doctrines  are  in  their  spirit  and  influence 
most  conformable  to  the  principles  of  republicanism,  has 
been  already  manifested.!  Liberty  of  conscience,  liberty 
of  opinion,  the  right  and  duty  of  private  judgment,  and 
the  liberty  of  expressing  freely  the  views  and  opinions  of 
the  mind ;  these  principles  of  republicanism  are  found 
written  amono^  the  cardinal  verities  of  our  faith,  as  with 


*  Dr.  Owen  argues  against  the  alleged  democracy  of  Congregation- 
alism. See  works,  vol.  xx.  p.  480.  See  also  Dr.  Lang,  ibid,  pp.  64,  6-5. 
See  also  Neal's  History  of  the  Puritans,  vol.  ii.  pp.  1S4, 186.  Dr.  Hodge's 
Hist,  of  the  Presb.  Ch.  vol.  i.  ch.  1.  The  present  congregationalists  of 
England  are  also  adopting  the  essential  principles  of  presbyterianism. 
They  have  their  county  unions.  In  cities  they  manage  their  common 
interests,  by  a  committee  appointed  for  that  purpose.  '  But,'  says  Dr. 
Vaughan,  (Congregationalism,  p.  54,  55,)  '  it  is  only  within  the  last  ten 
years  that  we  have  availed  ourselves  of  this  liberty  so  fully,  as  in  the 
organization  of  this  union — the  one  central  union,  made  up  of  nearly 
all  the  county  unions  of  England  and  Wales.  It  is  well  known  that 
the  object  we  have  thus  realized,  is  precisely  that  which  was  contem- 
plated by  Dr.  Owen,  and  other  fathers  of  independency  in  England 
before  the  restoration.  It  was  to  form  a  union  of  this  nature,  that  a 
large  number  of  ministers  and  laymen  were  at  that  time  convened, 
from  all  parts  of  the  country,  in  the  Savoy  Palace  ;  and  the  platform 
of  a  congregational  union,  embracing  all  the  congregational  ministers 
and  churches  in  the  land,  was  agreed  upon,  and  made  public.  But 
with  the  restoration  came  the  end  of  religious  liberty,  and  an  end,  of 
course,  to  the  possibility  of  perpetuating  this  enlarged  association  of 
our  body.' 

t  See  ch.  i.  §  4,  p.  35,  &c. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM,  55 

the  point  of  a  diamond.^^  The  pulpit  Avas  to  the  church 
in  other  ages,  what  the  press  is  to  the  world  now.  This 
was  the  last  refuge  of  down-trodden  truth,  the  last  bul- 
wark of  an  enslaved  people  against  their  spiritual  op- 
pressors. To  the  pulpit,  and  the  freedom  of  discussion 
which  it  allowed,  do  we  owe  all  the  reforms  that  have 
ever  rescued  the  church  from  her  debasing  corruptions. 
Here  Wickliffe  aroused  a  slumbering  nation.  Here 
Luther  thundered,  Zuingle  persuaded,  and  Calvin 
taught.  Here  Knox  and  Melville  achieved  for  Scotland, 
what  had  been  accomplished  for  Europe.  What  calumny- 
is  more  constantly  uttered  against  the  fathers  of  presby- 
terianism,  and  the  system  generally,  than  their  unwar- 
rantable liberty  of  speech.!  Neither  was  it  without 
cause,  that  arbitrary  monarchs  and  despotic  prelates 
raged  against  this  freedom,  and  by  all  possible  artifices 
endeavored  to  gag  and  choke  its  free  utterance.  '  Per- 
sons,' says  Dr.  McCrie,!  'may  declaim  at  their  pleasure 
on  the  insufferable  license  in  which  the  preachers  in- 
dulged ;  but  it  will  be  found,  that  the  discouragement 
of  vice  and  impiety,  the  checking  of  the  most  crying 
abuses  in  the  administration  of  justice,  and  the  pre- 
serving of  common  peace  and  order  in  the  countiy,  de- 

*  See  Dr.  Miller  on  the  Min.  ed.  of  1830,  p.  xxxvi.  Scottish  Chr. 
Herald,  1838,  p.  231.  Brown's  Vind.  of  Presb.  Ch.  Govt.  pp.  15,  17, 
18,33.  Presb.  Defended,  pp.  17G- 179.  Gillespie's  Aaron's  Rod  Blos- 
soming, pp.  176-182. 

t  An  anecdote  is  told  of  James  commanding  Bruce,  when  raging  at 
his  majesty's  conduct,  to  com.e  down  from  the  pulpit,  or  to  speak 
sense,  and  of  Bruce  declaring  that  he  w^ould  do  neither. 

I  Life  of  Melville,  ii.  7(5.  See  also  vol.  i.  pp.  302,  304,  for  some  very 
fine  remarks.  See  also  Dr.  Alton's  Life  and  Times  of  Alexander 
Henderson,  p.  40,  where  Dr.  Cook  is  quoted  as  saying,  '  we  must,  if 
we  calmly  investigate  the  history  of  the  period  at  present  under  re- 
view, be  satisfied  that  we,  in  a  great  degree,  owe  to  the  intrepidity  of 
the  clergy  the  liberties  which  we  enjoy,  and  that,  had  they  remained 
silent,  not  branding  the  measures  which  they  saw  to  be  pregnant  with 
the  heaviest  evils,  the  king  would  either  have  destroyed  every  vestige 
of  freedom,  or  what  was  more  likely,  his  throne  would  have  been 
subverted,  and  Scotland  delivered  into  the  hands  of  a  merciless  and 
bigoted  tyrant.' 


56  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

pended  on  the  freedom  of  the  pulpit,  to  a  degree 
which  no  one,  who  is  not  particularly  acquainted  with 
the  state  of  things  at  that  period,  can  conceive. 

But,  without  going  into  any  general  analysis  of  doc- 
trines, we  would  remark  that  there  are  three  principles 
which  lie  at  the  basis  of  our  presbyterian  system,  doc- 
trinally  considered,  and  which  will,  wherever  fully  sus- 
tained and  carried  out,  secure  by  their  necessary  tenden- 
cies, civil  and  religious  liberty.  To  these  we  more 
especially  advert,  because  they  are  the  very  points 
selected  by  bishop  Hughes,  as  proof  of  the  opposition  of 
the  doctrines  of  our  church  to  the  principles  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty.*  One  is  the  supreme  authority  of  holy 
scripture,  as  the  only  infallible  rule  of  faith  and  prac- 
tice, and  the  only  authoritative  promulgator  of  heaven's 
will,  and  this,  without  any  intervening  authority  of  the 
church,  in  its  fathers,  councils,  popes,  or  prelates. 
Another  is  the  doctrine  of  grace,  the  freeness,  efficacy, 
and  unencumbered  sufficiency  of  that  justification,  which 
is  obtained  through  the  imputed  righteousness  of  Christ, 
and  received  only  by  faith  in  his  finished  work,  and  once 
offered  sacrifice. 

Animated  by  these  principles,  no  man  can  be  a  slave 
to  the  spiritual  despotism  of  a  hierarchy.  Redeemed, 
regenerated,  and  disenthralled  from  all  necessary  de- 
pendence, for  either  the  knowledge  or  the  enjoyment  of 
God,  upon  any  fellow  being,  man,  in  the  faith  of  these 
doctrines,  stands  erect  in  his  own  proper  stature.  He 
feels  his  individual  responsibility,  and  his  infinite  obliga- 
tions to  God.     He  ceases  to  be  an  ignorant  devotee,  and 


'*  See  Breckinridge  and  Hughes's  Discussion,  Philad.  1836.  pp.  285, 
2SG,  &c.  Even  this  wily  sophist,  however,  does  not  pretend  to  found 
his  argument  upon  what  these  docti'ines  are,  in  themselves,  but  upon 
certain  most  illogical  and  most  absurd  consequences,  which  he  deduces 
from  them, — a  practice,  which,  of  itself,  betrays  the  cloven  foot  of 
that  despotism,  which  condemns  men  by  constructive  evidence,  where 
there  is  no  positive  proof. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  57 

becomes  a  spiritual  worshipper  of  that  Being  who  is  a 
Spirit.  And  while  he  bows  reverently  to  the  wil]  and 
authority  of  God,  he  spurns  from  him  that  interference  of 
a  fellow  mortal,  which  would  claim  a  dominion  over  his 
faith.  These  are  doctrines,  as  has  been  ably  remarked,=^ 
with  which  no  forms  of  superstition,  no  spiritual  des- 
potism, will  ever  be  made  to  consist ;  and  which  doctrines, 
while  in  their  aspect  toward  man,  individually  as  a  sin- 
ner, they  afford  the  only  ground  of  hope  ;  so,  in  their  less 
direct,  but  inevitable  influence  over  the  condition  of  man 
in  society,  constitute  the  unobtrusive,  but  effectual  guar- 
antee of  national  liberties.  They  do  so,  as  well  by  the 
firm  moral  tone  which  they  impart  to  the  social  system, 
as  by  the  necessity  they  involve  of  a  constant  appeal  to 
the  supreme  authority  of  scripture  :  —  for  this  very  appeal 
implies  religious  liberty;  and  religious  liberty  secures 
political  liberty. 

With  the  reception  or  rejection  of  these  doctrines 
stand  or  fall,  asceticism,  superstition,  and  despotism,  or, 
as  they  may  be  otherwise  termed,  monkery,  demonolatry, 
and  hierarchical  tyranny  —  those  powerful  ingredients  in 
all  the  various  forms  of  human  corruption  and  debase- 
ment. The  testimony  of  Bancroft  to  this  truth  is  very 
striking.!  '  Years  are  to  '  fools '  as  days  in  the  providence 
of  God,  and  in  the  progress  of  the  race.  After  long 
waiting,  an  Augustine  monk  at  Wittemberg,  who  had 
seen  the  lewd  corruptions  of  the  Koman  court,  and  who 
loathed  the  deceptions  of  a  coarse  superstition,  brooded 
in  his  cell  over  the  sins  of  his  age,  and  the  method  of 
rescuing  conscience  from  the  dominion  of  forms,  till  he 
discovered  a  cure  for  its  vices  in  the  simple  idea  of  justi- 
fication by  faith  alone.  With  this  principle,  easily  intel- 
ligible   to    the   universal  mind,    and   spreading,    like    an 

*  Isaac  Taylor,  in  Pref.  to  Life  of  Luther.     London  Chr.  Ob.  Aug, 
1840,  p.  503. 

t  History  of  United  States,  vol.  ii.  p.  459, 


58  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

epidemic,  widely  and  rapidly,  —  a  principle  strong  enough 
to  dislodge  every  superstition,  to  overturn  every  tyranny, 
to  enfranchise,  convert,  and  save  the  world,  —  he  broke 
the  wand  of  papal  supremacy,  scattered  the  lazars  of  the 
monasteries,  and  drove  the  penance  of  fasts,  and  the  ter- 
rors of  purgatory,  masses  for  the  dead,  and  indulgences 
for  the  living,  into  the  paradise  of  fools.' 

Not  less  remarkable  is  the  estimate  of  these  doctrines, 
made  by  Sir  James  Mackintosh.*  'It  was  fortunate  also,' 
he  says,  '  that  the  enormities  of  Tetzel,'  (the  pope's 
retailer  of  indulgences,)  '  found  Luther  busied  in  the  con- 
templation of  the  principle,  which  is  the  basis  of  all  ethical 
judgment,  and  by  the  power  of  which  he  struck  a  mortal 
blow  at  superstition ;'  namely,  '  men  are  not  made  truly 
righteous  by  performing  certain  actions  which  are  exter- 
fialhj  good,  but  men  must  have  righteous  principles  in  the 
first  place  ;  and  then  they  will  not  fail  to  perform  virtuous 
actions.'  He  calls  it  '  a  proposition  equally  certain  and 
sublime ; '  and  adds,  that  Luther,  in  a  more  special  appli- 
cation of  his  principle,  used  it  to  convey  his  doctrine  of 
justification  by  faith.'  And  again  he  says,  'in  justice  to 
him,  the  civil  historian  should  never  omit  the  benefits  which 
accrued  to  the  jnoral  interests  of  society  from  this  principle' 
This  principle  is  the  merit  of  Christ,  made  ours  by  the 
power  of  God,  working  faith  in  us  ;  and  by  union  to  Christ, 
making  us  free  from  guilt  and  pollution.  To  this  christ- 
ians are,  by  God's  decree,  predestinated.  This  secures 
moral  liberty,  and  moral  rectitude ;  makes  a  man  '  a  law 
unto  himself  — and  therefore  a  good  citizen;  the  freest, 
noblest,  and  most  just  of  men.' 

Such  are  the  views  of  philosophers,  in  giving  an  impar- 
tial verdict  on  the  influence  of  presbyterian  doctrines  upon 
civil  and  religious  liberty.     But  the  doctrine  of  predesti- 


*  Hist,  of  Eng.  vol.  ii.  pp.  120,  121,  and  Breckinridge  and  Hughes', 
Discuss,  p.  309. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  59 

nation  remains  to  be  considered,  upon  which,  and  its 
impUed  principles,  the  objector  mainly  relies.  Now  it 
would  be  easy  to  show  how  this  doctrine,  properly  under- 
stood, lays  the  axe  to  the  very  root  of  all  human  pride, 
and  establishes,  upon  an  immovable  foundation,  the  doc- 
trine of  human  equality ;  the  utter  nothingness  of  all 
human  distinctions  ;  and  the  perfect  independence  of 
every  man  upon  every  other  man,  for  eternal  life,  and  for 
all  spiritual  blessings.  We  are,  however,  able  to  present 
the  testimony  of  Mr.  Bancroft,  who  cannot  be  supposed 
by  any  one  to  cherish  favorable  sentiments  towards  this 
doctrine,  as  to  its  actual  results. 

'  Calvinism/  he  says,*  '  is  gradual  republicanism.'  '  In 
Geneva,  a  republic  on  the  confines  of  France,  Italy,  and 
Germany,  Calvin,  appealing  to  the  people  for  support, 
continued  the  career  of  enfranchisement,  by  planting  the 
institutions  which  nursed  the  minds  of  Pwousseau,  Necker, 
and  De  Stael.' 

'  The  political  character  of  Calvinism,  which,  with  one 
consent,  and  with  instinctive  judgment,  the  monarchs  of 
that  day  feared  as  republicanism,  and  which  Charles  I. 
declared  a  religion  unfit  for  a  gentleman,  is  expressed  in 
a  single  word — predestination.  Did  a  proud  aristocracy 
trace  its  lineage  through  generations  of  a  high-born  ances- 
try, the  republican  reformer,  with  a  loftier  pride,  invaded 
the  invisible  world,  and  from  the  book  of  life  brought  down 
the  record  of  the  noblest  enfranchisement,  decreed  from 
all  eternity  by  the  King  of  kings.  His  few  converts  defied 
the  opposing  world  as  a  world  of  reprobates,  whom  God 
had  despised  and  rejected.  To  them  the  senses  were  a 
totally  depraved  foundation,  on  which  neither  truth  nor 
goodness  could  rest.  They  went  forth  in  confidence  that 
men  who  were  kindling  with  the  same  exalted  instincts, 
would  listen  to  their  voice,  and  be  efl^ectually  '  called  into 

*Hist.  of  United  States,  vol.  ii.  pp.  4C1  -4G3. 


60  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

the  brunt  of  the  battle'  by  their  side.  And,  standing 
serenely  amidst  the  crumbling  fabrics  of  centuries  of 
superstitions,  they  had  faith  in  one  another  ;  and  the  mar- 
tyrdoms of  Cambray,  the  fires  of  Smithfield,  the  surrender 
of  benefices  by  two  thousand  non-conforming  presbyte- 
rians,  attest  their  perseverance.  And  what  were  the 
results  V 

'  Such  was  the  system,'  adds  this  writer,  '  which,  for  a 
century  and  a  half,  assumed  the  guardianship  of  liberty 
for  the  English  world.  '  A  wicked  tyrant  is  better  than  a 
wicked  war,'  said  Luther,  preaching  non-resistance  ;  and 
Cranmer  echoed  back,  '  God's  people  are  called  to  render 
obedience  to  governors,  although  they  be  wicked  or  wrong- 
doers, and  in  no  case  to  resist.'  '  Civil  magistrates,'  replied 
English  Calvinism,  —  I  quote  the  very  words,  in  which, 
under  an  extravagant  form,  its  champion  asserted  the 
paramount  power  of  general  principles,  and  the  inalienable 
rights  of  freedom,  — '  civil  magistrates  must  be  servants 
unto  the  church  ;  they  must  remember  to  submit  their 
sceptres,  to  throw  down  their  crowns  before  the  church, 
yea,  as  the  prophet  speaketh,  to  lick  the  dust  of  the  feet 
of  the  church.'  To  advance  intellectual  freedom,  Calvin- 
ism denied,  absolutely  denied,  the  sacrament  of  ordination; 
thus  breaking  up  the  great  monopoly  of  priestcraft,  and 
scattering  the  ranks  of  superstition.  '  Kindle  the  fire 
before  myface,'  said  Jerome,  meekly,  as  he  resigned  him- 
self to  his  fate  ;  to  quench  the  fires  of  persecution  forever, 
Calvinism  resisted  with  fire  and  blood,  and  shouldering 
the  musket,  proved,  as  a  foot-soldier,  that,  on  the  field  of 
battle,  the  invention  of  gunpowder  had  levelled  the  plebeian 
and  the  knight.  To  restrain  absolute  monarchy  in  France, 
in  Scotland,  in  England,  it  allied  itself  with  the  party  of 
the  past,  the  decaying  feudal  aristocracy,  which  it  was 
sure  to  outlive  ;  to  protect  itself  against  feudal  aristocracy, 
it  infused  itself  into  the  mercantile  class,  and  the  inferior 
gentry  ;  to  secure  a  life  in  the  public  mind,  in  Geneva,  in 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  61 

Scotland,  wherever  it  gained  dominion,  it  invoked  intelli- 
gence for  the  people,  and  in  every  parish  planted  the 
common  school.' 


SECTION     III. 

The  framers  of  our  ecclesiastical  system  designed  that  it 
should  neither  he  a  monarchy,  nor  a  democracy,  hut  a 
repuhlic. 

But  we  will  pass  on  to  the  contemplation  of  our  system 
in  its  ecclesiastical  bearings. 

In  framing  her  constitntion,  the  great  object  before  the 
church  in  this  country,  was,  to  present  such  general  prin- 
ciples, as  would,  if  honestly  carried  out,  and  faithfully 
maintained,  secure,  on  the  one  hand,  union,  efficiency,  and 
a  well-ordered  government,  with  the  power  of  guarding 
against  all  traitorous  designs  upon  the  purity  or  peace  of 
the  church ;  and  at  the  same  time,  best  uphold  the  just 
rights  of  the  several  churches,  of  individual  ministers,  and 
of  the  lay  members  of  the  church.  Liberty,  as  far  as  it 
can  be  enjoyed  without  anarchy  ;  government,  so  far  as 
it  is  compatible  with  liberty;  and  the  greatest  possible 
enjoyment  of  both  ;  — this  was  the  glorious  aim  and  object, 
to  secure  which  our  fathers  earnestly  labored.  Our  eccle- 
siastical constitution  was  cradled  in  the  spirit  of  liberty.^ 
Even  bishop  Hughes,  filled  to  the  very  brim  as  he  is  with 
envenomed  hate  against  our  church,  has  confessed,  that 
those  tenets  in  the  Westminster  confession,  which  were 
hostile  to  civil  liberty,  '  were  discarded,  (by  the  American 
presbyterian  church,)  as  being  unsaited  to  the  soil  of  new- 
born liberty  and  of  equal  rights.'     '  The  confession  of 

*  See  this  well  iUustrated  by  Dr.  Rice,  in  Evang.  Mag.  vol.  ix,  pp. 
2G,  27,  2S,  535,  53G. 

G 


62  ECCLESIASTICAL    KEPUBLICANISM, 

faith  was  forthwith  amended,'  he  adds,  '  to  suit  the  con- 
stitution and  the  new  order  of  things.'*  And  he  urges 
against  us  that  very  principle  of  freedom,  by  which  we 
were  ready,  on  discovering  preexisting  error,  to  abandon 
and  subvert  it.f  Most  strange  infatuation  !  Since  he 
thus  seals  the  everlasting  condemnation  of  the  system  of 
popery,  seeing  that  what  it  has  been,  it  must  ever  remain, 
the  same  determined  foe  to  civil  and  religious  liberty. 
Presbyterians,  however,  never  regarded  their  standards 
as  either  infallible  or  unchangeable.  They  are  not  our 
rule,  either  of  faith  or  practice.  They  are  not  substituted 
for  the  scriptures,  nor  do  they  claim  its  authority.  Any 
thing  which  has  been  admitted  into  them  contrary  to 
either  civil  or  religious  freedom,  may,  therefore,  at  any 
time  be  removed.  And  so  it  was  in  the  present  instance. 
Our  standards  were  amended  on  the  very  points  to  which 
this  author  alludes,  before  the  adoption  of  the  American 
constitution,  —  not  in  consequence  of  it.  The  spirit  of 
liberty  and  of  republicanism,  which  they  breathe,  was  the 
cause,  and  not  the  effect,  of  American  liberty.  The  found- 
ers of  the  presbyterian  church  brought  with  them  to  this 
country  an  inextinguishable  love  of  liberty,  both  civil 
and  religious. $ 

Speaking  of  the  presbyterian  settlers  in  the  colony  of 
South  Carolina,  long  previous  to  the  revolution.  Dr.  Hewett 
says,§  —  '  these  ministers  adopted  this  mode  of  religious 
worship,  not  only  from  a  persuasion  of  its  conformity  to 
the  primitive  apostolic  form,  but  also  from  a  conviction  of 
its  being,  of  all  others,  the  most  favorable  to  civil  liberty, 
equality,  and  independence.'  This  spirit  was  enkindled 
by  the  reformation,  and  taught  to  give  expression  to  its 
views,  by  those  solemn  leagues  and  covenants  into  which 

*  Breckinridge  and  Hughes's  Discuss,  p.  303. 

t  Ibid,  p.  289. 

J  Dr.  Rice^  in  Evang.  Mag.  p.  27. 

§  Hist,  of  S.  C.  Lond.  1779,  vol.  ii.  p.  53. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  63 

the  reformers  in  Germany,  and  in  Scotland,  and  the  puri- 
tans in  England  entered,  for  their  mutual  defence,  for  the 
overthrow  of  tyranny,  and  for  the  establishment  of  consti- 
tutional liberty,  civil  and  religious.  Let  any  one  compare 
their  language  with  that  of  our  declaration  of  independ- 
ence, and  he  will  perceive  in  the  former  the  parents  of 
the  latter.* 

Our  system  of  polity,  says  Dr.  E-ice,t  was  drawn  up  at  a 
time  when  the  general  principles  of  government,  and  the 
great  subject  of  human  rights  and  privileges,  was  more  tho- 
roughly and  anxiously  discussed  than  at  any  other  period 
since  the  settlement  of  this  country.  It  was  during  the 
time  when  the  sages  of  America  were  employed  in  fram- 
ing the  Federal  constitution,  and  considering  its  merits? 
throughout  the  United  States.  And  the  men  who  drew 
up  this  plan  of  government  for  the  church,  were,  many  of 
them  at  least,  men  deeply  versed  in  civil  and  ecclesiasti- 
cal history ;  and  who  had  borne  no  inconsiderable  part  in 
the  eventful  period  which  preceded.  Perhaps  this  may 
in  some  measure  account  for  the  striking  similarity  which 
occurs  in  the  fundamental  principles  of  our  polity,  and  the 
form  of  government  adopted  by  the  United  States  of 
America.  Like  that  form  of  government,  our  polity  is 
neither  monarchical,  nor  democratical,  but  a  democratic 
republic. 

'  The  Church,'  writes  Cartwright,  in  his  Keplye  to 
Whitgift,^:  '  is  governed  with  that  kind  of  government 
which  the  philosophers  that  write  of  the  best  common- 
wealths affirm  to  be  the  best.  For  in  respect  of  Christ, 
the  head,  it  is  a  monarchy  ;  and  in  respect  of  the  ancients 
and  pastors,  that  govern  in  common,  and  with  like  author- 
ity amongst  themselves,  it  is  an  aristocracy,  or  the  rule  of 

*  See  my  Disc,  on  the  Hist.  Infl.  and  Results  of  the  Westminst.  Ass. 
McCrie  on  the  Unity  of  the  Ch.  App.  p.  156,  &c.  and  Note  to  rh.  iii. 
t  Ibid,  p.  28. 
J  Price's  Hist,  of  Nonconf.  vol.  i.  p.  249. 


64  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM, 

the  best  men  ;  and  in  respect  that  the  people  are  not  se- 
chided  but  have  their  interest  in  church  matters,  it  is  a  de- 
mocracy, or  popular  estate.'  Such  were  the  views  enter- 
tained by  the  framers  of  our  constitution.  To  constitute  the 
church  visible  monarchical,  was,  in  their  opinion,  to  dethrone 
Christ,  to  proclaim  rebellion  against  his  supremacy  and 
kingly  rule,  and  to  introduce  tyranny  and  spiritual  despot- 
ism. To  constitute  the  church  a  pure  democracy  would 
have  equally  secured  the  destruction  of  her  character,  and 
have  defeated  her  end ;  since,  as  has  been  seen,  such  a 
form  of  government  cannot,  in  the  nature  of  things,  long 
subsist.  It  were  idle  to  call  the  perf telly  indejjendeyit  gov- 
ernment of  each  christian  society  a  government.  It  is  no 
government  at  all,  unless  we  will  call  every  family  a  soci- 
ety, and  its  rulers  a  government.  And  even  if  the  contra- 
ry were  granted,  most  certainly  no  analogy  could  be  found 
in  such  separate  and  disunited  bodies  to  our  confederated 
union,  which  is  made  up  of  all  the  parishes  in  each  state, 
and  of  all  the  states  throughout  its  entire  extent  of  terri- 
tory. Our  fathers,  therefore,  left  our  church  under  that 
constitution  given  her  by  her  divine  Head,  by  which  we 
have  seen  she  is  a  democratic  republic. 

Our  church  is  therefore  the  union  of  many  churches ; — a 
union  so  devised  as  that,  while  each  is  left  in  a  measure  in- 
dependent, the  whole  are  harmonized  and  made  strong. 
The  love  of  liberty  is  combined  with  the  love  of  unity,  the 
consolidated  power  of  union,  with  the  diffused  power  of 
popular  freedom.  It  resembles  the  far-famed  Grecian 
phalanx,  in  which  each  man  was  fully  armed,  and  the 
whole  so  combined  as  to  form  one  moving  mass  of  skill 
and  courage,  bearing  like  a  mountain  against  the  opposing 
foe. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    RETUBLICANISM.  65 


SECTION     IV. 

All  the   principles   of  repuhlicanism  are   found  in  our 
ineshyterian  STjstem. 

Is  equality  of  conditions  the  fundamental  principle 
from  which  all  our  other  civil  and  republican  institu- 
tions flow  ?  This  doctrine  is  imbedded  in  every  principle, 
and  is  characteristic  of,  the  presbyterian  church.  *  We  lay 
it  down,'  says  Dr.  Eice,*  one  of  the  fathers  of  presbyteri- 
anism  in  this  country,  '  as  a  fundamental  principle  in  our 
system  of  polity,  that  ecclesiastical  power  is  by  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  vested  in  the  church ;  it  belongs  to  the  body 
of  the  faithful  people.'  Separate  and  distinct  from  the 
church,  its  officers  have  no  independent  or  irresponsible 
authority.!  The  title  of  clergy  we  recognise  as  given  by 
inspiration  to  all  God's  people,^  and  possessed  by  them 
until  pope  Higinus,  and  the  succeeding  prelates,  appropria- 
ted it  to  themselves,  condemning  the  rest  of  God's  inher- 
itance to  the  'injurious  and  alienate  condition  of  laity ;' 
separating  them  by  local  partitions  in  their  churches  ;  and 
thus  excluding  the  members  of  Christ  from  all  offices  in 
the  ecclesiastical  body,  '  as  if  they  meant  to  sew  up  that 
Jewish  veil  which  Christ,  by  his  death  on  the  cross,  rent 
in  sunder.'  Against  these  usurpations,  and  this  whole  sys- 
tem of  priestcraft,  we  earnestly  protest.  All  such  distinc- 
tions we  repudiate.  Every  faithful  disciple  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  we  admit  to  wait  upon  the  tabernacle,  and  to  offer 
up  spiritual  sacrifice  to  God,  in  whatever  office  God  and 
the  congregation  shall  assign  him.  Presbyterianism,  both 
as  it  regards  the  government  of  a  particular  church  and  of 
the  church  generally,  is,  therefore,  based  upon  the  principle 

*  Evangelical  Magaz.  vol.  ix.  p.  535. 

t  Ibid,  p.  537. 

X  By  the  apostle  Peter. 

6# 


*66  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

of  representation.  '  Our  laws  too  arc  all  written  laws, 
made  and  administered  by  our  own  representatives.  We 
have  no  rulers!'^ 

The  support  of  the  ministry,  the  expenses  of  the  con- 
gregation, the  advancement  of  every  cause  of  christian  be- 
nevolence, are  all  voluntary  on  the  part  of  the  people; 
and  the  amount  in  each  case  assessed  by  the  people  them- 
selves, or  by  the  conscience  of  each  individual  contributor. 
Our  church  property  is  all  held  in  the  name  of  trustees 
elected  by  the  people  ;  and  the  temporal  affairs  of  every 
congregation  are  managed  by  the  people. 

Is  it  then  the  great  characteristic  of  our  republic,  that  all 
power  is  ultimately  resident  in,  and  derived  from,  the 
people,  and  this,  not  as  the  gift  of  man,  but  of  God  ? — 
What  can  be  more  analogous  than  the  principles  of  our 
presbyterian  constitution  ?  Do  we  not  teach  that  the  di- 
vine charter  of  the  church  was  vested  in  the  people  and 
not  in  the  clergy.t  The  church  is,  we  contend,  the  whole 
body  of  the  faithful,  and  not  the  officers  or  ministers  of  the 
church.  These  officers  and  ministers  exist  for  the  people, 
and  not  the  people  for  them.  We  place  their  right  and 
authority  of  office,  not  in  these  offices  themselves,  but  in 
the  entire  church,  for  whose  benefit  alone  they  are  intrust- 
ed to  them  by  Christ. $ 

The  recognition  of  the  rights  of  the  people  is  one  of  those 
points  upon  which  all  presbyterian  churches,  both  Luther- 
an and  Calvinian,  are  agreed.  The  laity  are  regarded  by 
them  all  as  an  integral  part  of  the  church.  Their  civil 
rights  are  represented  as  in  all  respects  equal  to  those  of 
the  clergy.  Laymen  are  associated  with  the  clergy  in  all 
acts  of  ecclesiastical  government  and  legislation.  These 
churches  also  maintain  and  hold  forth  the  right  and  duty 

*  Bait.  Lit.  and  Relig.  Mag.  Feb.  1814.  76. 

t  See  the  Author's  Work,  Presbytery,  and  not  Prelacy,  the  Script,  and 
Prinnit.  1  ol.  B.  i.  ch.  iii. 
%  Claude's  Def.  of  the  Ref.  vol.  ii.  pp.  241,  247,  263. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  67 

of  the  people  to  exercise  private  judgment,  to  read  the 
scriptures,  to  partake  of  the  cnp  in  the  sacrament,  and  to 
cherish  hberty  of  conscience,  and  liberty  of  opinion  *' 

The  presbyterian  church,  as  reformed,  and  thus  restor- 
ed to  her  ancient  pohty  and  liberty  in  the  kingdom  of  Scot- 
land, as  well  as  on  the  continent,  was  bottomed  upon  the 
cooperation  and  influence  of  the  laity.  An  appeal  to  the 
people,  in  their  own  language,  was  the  lirst  step  of  her  re- 
formers.! In  this  respect  does  she  stand,  confessedly,  in 
contrast  to  the  church  of  England.  In  presbyterian  church- 
es the  reformation  was  begun,  continued,  and  effected  hy 
the  people ;  in  the  latter  for  the  people  and  against  their 
wishes. $  In  the  former,  the  people  w^ere  the  prime  agents 
and  inciters  to  the  work  ;  in  the  latter,  they  were  either 
passive  subjects,  or  sullen  remonstrants.  In  the  former, 
the  people  reform^ed  themselves,  and  erected  a  platform 
agreeable  to  their  own  views  of  what  Christianity  should 
and  was  designed  to  be  ;  in  the  latter,  the  people  abjured 
or  received  their  faith,  according  to  the  fashion  of  the  court. 
It  has  always  therefore  been  the  reproach  cf  the  church  of 
Scotland,  '  with  those  who  do  not  care  for,  or  w^ho  dread 
the  people,  that  she  is  too  popular.'^ 


SECTION     V. 

Presbytery  is  republican  in  its  doctrine  of  the  ministry. 

This  republican  character  of  our  church,  will  be  made 
apparent  by  considering  her  doctrine  on  the  ministry. 

That  her  doctrine  of  the  ministry  is  based  upon  the 
recognition  of  the  original  power  and   authority  of  the 

*  Conder's  Analytical  View  of  all  Religion,  p.  247. 

t  See  Villers  on  the  Ref.  p.  240.  Hence  the  improvement  of  mod- 
ern languages,  pp.  241,  243. 

X  This  is  insisted  on  as  an  excellency  in  tract  of  the  Prot.  Ep. 
Tr.  Soc.  quoted  below.  Lathbury,  in  his  Hist,  of  Eng.  Episcop.  also 
urges  this. 

§  Lect.  on  Headship  of  Christ,  p.  46. 


68  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

people,  we  have  seen.  The  church  must  and  will  have  pow- 
er, for  he  who  commands  the  mind  will  command  the  body. 
The  question  therefore  is,  to  whom  this  power  will  be  en- 
trusted ?  To  the  clergy  ? — then  do  you  have  the  worst 
feature  of  popery.  To  the  laity  alone  ? — then  do  you  in- 
slave  the  clergy.  To  the  clergy  and  laity  combined,  in 
their  representative  capacity,  so  that  neither  shall  be  ab- 
solute and  supreme  ? — this  is  the  genius  of  presbytery,  but 
cannot  be  reconciled  with  '  episcopacy.'"* 

Our  prelatical  opponents  maintain,!  that  all  ecclesiasti- 
cal authority  is  committed  directly  to  the  christian  ministry; 
that  the  ministry  consists  of  an  order  of  men  differing  from 
the  laity ;  and  that  it  is  their  business  to  come  between 
God  and  man  to  transact  business  with  men  for  heaven : 
authoritatively  to  interpret  for  men  the  word  of  God ;  and, 
by  administering  the  sacraments,  to  give  them  assurance 
of  salvation  ;  in  a  word,  to  be  substitutes  for  Christ's  per- 
son on  earth.  Now  we  hold  this  doctrine  to  be  utterly 
popish  and  heretical;  inconsistent  with  the  nature  of  true 
religion,  as  a  voluntary  service ;  incompatible  with  chris- 
tian liberty ;  and  well  suited  to  give  an  undue  influence 
to  the  ministers  of  religion.  The  general  admission  of 
these  pretensions  was  one  cause  and  that  not  the  least  ef- 
ficient, in  producing  the  great  corruption  of  the  church. 
It  brought  about  that  subjugation  of  the  mind  to  ecclesias- 
tical power,  which  was  one  of  the  striking  characteristics 
of  the  age  of  darkness,  through  which  the  church  groped 
for  nearly  ten  centuries.  Nor  does  religion  alone  suffer  by 
the  admission  of  these  pretensions.  They  clothe  ecclesi- 
astics with  a  power  to  which  nothing  on  earth  is  equal,  and 
to  which,  after  an  unavailing  struggle,  every  thing  submits. 
What  will  we  not  surrender  to  a  man,  to  whom  we  have 
surrendered  the  right  of  directing  our  conscience  ;  and 
whom  we  regard  as  invested  with  authority  from  heaven 

*  See  Lond.  Quart.  Rev.  Dec.  1839,  p.  74,  where  this  is  avowed. 
t  Dr.  Rice,  in  ibid,  p.  535. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  69 

to  receive  us  into  the  church,  or  to  repel  us  from  it ;  to  give 
us  assurance  of  salvation,  or  cut  us  ofl'  from  the  hope  of 
mercy  ? 

Those  who  contend  that  there  is  an  order  of  men  in  the 
christian  church,  who  possess  rights  paramount  to  the 
church  at  large,  and  for  their  own  benefit  and  honor,  are 
guilty  of  the  same  sophistry  with  those  who  argue  for  the 
divine  right  of  kings.  They  forget  that  these  officers 
themselves  are  created  for  the  benefit  of  the  community, 
and  that  for  this  purpose  alone,  are  they  invested  with  pow- 
er. They  confound  their  official  with  their  personal  capa- 
city; their  individual  with  their  representative  character; 
and  their  dignity  of  station  with  their  office,  which  is 
merely  that  of  trustee  ;  ascribe  to  their  own  persons  that 
which  belongs  to  others,  for  whose  benefit  they  are  requir- 
ed to  act  as  mere  trustees,  and  thus  make  those  to  be  the 
PARTY,  who  are  no  more  than  trustees  for  that  party.*  And 
thus  are  they  led  to  the  absurd  and  dangerous  conclusion, 
that  the  clergy  possess  supreme  power  in  the  church,  hold 
their  place  in  absolute  independence  of  the  people,  and 
may  exercise  their  functions  at  their  own  pleasure,  and  ac- 
cording to  their  own  views  of  christian  expediency.  On 
the  contrary,  we  maintain,  that  the  ministers  of  Christ  hold 
their  offices  solely  for  the  benefit  of  the  church,  and  in 
trust  for  Christ.  Not  that  they  are  the  mere  creatures  of 
the  people,  or  can  be  removed  by  them  at  pleasure,  since 
their  office  is  of  divine  appointment,  and  clothed  with  di- 
vine authority.  But  that  the  people  are  bound  to  bring 
them  to  the  law  and  the  testimony ;  to  test  their  preach- 
ing by  the  standard  of  truth ;  to  submit  to  no  ordinance 
which  is  not  accordant  to  the  written  law  ;  and  to  contend 
earnestly  against  them,  should  they  alter  or  detract  from 
the  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus 

The  powers,  then,  of  the  cliristian  association,  belong  to 

*  Pol.  Phil.  p.  85. 


70  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

the  whole  body  of  its  members,  just  as,  in  our  republic, 
the  exercise  of  power  is  delegated  to  its  officers  ;  so  that 
whatever  they  do,  according  to  the  written  constitution, 
is  done  by  the  members,  and  is  valid  and  authoritative  ; 
while  on  the  other  hand,  whatever  they  may  attempt  con- 
trary to  that  constitution,  is  invalid,  null,  and  void.  Thus 
also  obedience  is  in  no  case  required  to  the  determinations 
of  the  christian  ministry,  ^merely  because  they  are  theirs, 
but  because  they  are  consonant  to  the  will  of  Christ,  and 
are  therefore  binding.  But  if  in  any  case  the  ministers 
teach  for  doctrines  the  commandments  of  men,  the  people 
are  bound  by  the  command  of  God  to  protest  against  them, 
and  to  bring  them  to  the  bar  of  the  church. 

This  dependence  of  the  ministry  on  the  church  is  impli- 
ed in  our  whole  system.*  It  is  from  among  the  people 
they  are  originally  taken.  It  is  by  the  people  they  are  ed- 
ucated. The  people  thus  commend  them  as  proper  can- 
didates, to  the  presbytery,  by  whom  they  are  examined 
and  licensed.  They  are  then  sent  forth  among  the  peo- 
ple, that  further  opportunity  may  be  given  for  examining 
their  gifts,  and  fitness  for  the  sacred  office.  Should  they 
be  found  unacceptable  to  the  people,  and  unsuited  to  the 
ministerial  office,  their  licensure  is  withdrawn,  and  they  re- 
turn to  the  body  of  the  people,  as  private  members  of  the 
church.  In  all  this,  the  presbytery  act  as  the  divinely  ap- 
pointed agents  and  trustees  of  the  people,  and  for  the  in- 
terests of  the  whole  church. 

•This  is  further  evident  in  our  plan  for  the  settlement  of 
a  minister.  By  the  principles  of  our  church,  the  ministry 
of  any  individual  to  a  particular  people,  the  allocation  of 
the  minister  to  that  people,  and  the  subjection  of  the  peo- 
ple to  him,  can  be  effected  by  the  presbytery,  only  through 
means  of  an  expressed  will  on  the  part  of  the  people,  and 

*  See  these  views  ably  presented  by  Claude,  in  his  Def.  of  the  Ref. 
vol.  ii.  pp.  240  -  243,  247,  263. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  71 

call  from  them  to  that  individual,  to  take  pastoral  charge 
over  them.  And  while  the  presbytery,  responsible  to  a 
higher  court,  in  view  of  the  interests  of  the  church  gener- 
ally, of  which  they  are  the  guardians,  may,  in  the  face  of 
such  a  call,  refuse  to  sanction  the  settlement  of  any  minis- 
ter, they  cannot  in  any  case  settle  him  without  it.  The 
christian  people  have,  as  ive  believe,  a  divine  right  in  the 
call  of  their  ministers. 

The  right  of  selecting  those  to  whom  we  are  to  intrust 
the  interests  of  ourselves  and  of  our  children,  or  from 
whom  we  are  to  derive  important  and  most  necessary 
instruction,  may  certainly  be  called  inalienable,  because 
inherent  in,  and  most  congenial  to,  our  nature.  But  if 
this  is  true  as  it  regards  the  physician  for  our  bodily  ail- 
ments ;  the  instructor  of  our  youthful  progeny  ;  the  colle- 
giate inspectors  and  guardians  of  their  maturer  years  ;  or 
our  counsel  at  the  bar  of  earthly  justice  ;  how  much  more 
important  does  it  become,  when  the  interests  at  stake  are 
those  of  the  never-dying  soul?  The  right,  therefore,  to 
choose  those  who  shall  minister  unto  us  in  holy  things  ; 
at  whose  hands  we  shall  receive  the  bread  of  life  ;  and 
from  whose  stores  of  sacred  learning  and  divine  know- 
ledge we  shall  draw  ;  this  surely  is  a  privilege,  wliich  we 
might  expect  to  be  accorded  to  us,  in  the  kingdom  of  God. 
Nor  are  we  disappointed.  For  although  it  is  not  compe- 
tent for  any  man  to  qualify  any  other  man  for  the  sacred 
ministry ;  nor  for  the  laity  to  ordain  and  consecrate  those 
who  shall  be  over  them  in  the  Lord  ;  yet  surely  it  is  their 
right,  and  one  which  the  laity  are  fully  able  to  exercise, 
to  select,  among  those  adjudged  to  be  proper  incum- 
bents of  that  sacred  office,  those  whom  they  believe  to  be 
best  adapted  to  promote  tJteir  spiritual  welfare.  This  is 
a  right  to  which  the  members  of  the  apostolic  and  prim- 
itive churches  were  certainly  admitted.  It  is  a  right  which 
is  most  fully  recognised  in  the  system  of  presbyterianism, 
and  by  which  that  system  is  at  once  eminently  distin- 


72  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

giiished,  and  shown  to  be  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  spirit 
of  a  free  and  independent  people. 

It  is  not  possible,  of  course,  that  every  individual  can 
be,  in  all  cases,  perfectly  satisfied  ;  but  this  is  much  more 
likely  to  be  the  case  where,  as  in  our  churches,  all  have 
an  opportunity  of  expressing  an  opinion,  and  of  exercising 
a  right,  and  Avhere  the  decision  is  finally  made  by  a  ma- 
jority necessarily  overwhelming,  than  where  such  elections 
are  made  by  a  very  few,  or  where  no  such  elections  are 
at  all  permitted.  We,  therefore,  to  use  the  words  of 
Milton,*  '  having  already  a  kind  of  apostolical  and  ancient 
church-election  in  our  state,  what  a  perverseness  would 
it  be  in  us,  of  all  others,  to  retain  forcibly  a  kind  of  impe- 
rious and  stately  election  in  our  church  ?  And  what  a 
blindness  to  think,  that  what  is  already  evangelical,  as  it 
were  by  a  happy  chance  in  our  polity,  should  be  repug- 
nant to  that  which  is  the  same,  by  divine  command,  in  the 
ministry  ?  Thus  then  we  see  that  our  ecclesiastical  and 
political  choices,  may  consent  and  sort  as  well  together, 
without  any  rupture  in  the  state,  as  christians  and  free- 
holders.' 

*  Puritanism,'!  says  Bancroft,  '  conceded  no  such  power 
to  its  spiritual  guides  ;  the  church  existed  independently  of 
its  pastor,  who  owed  his  office  to  its  free  choice  ;  the  will 
of  the  majority  was  its  law  ;  and  each  one  of  the  brethren 
possessed  equal  rights  with  the  elders.  The  right,  exer- 
cised by  each  congregation,  of  electing  its  own  ministers, 
was  in  itself  a  moral  revolution ;  religion  was  now  with 
the  people,  not  over  the  people.  Puritanism  exalted  the 
laity.' 

*Wks.  vol.  i.p.  48. 

t  Hist,  of  Unitetl  States,  vol.  i.  pp.  4G1,  4G2,  4G4. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  73> 


SECTION       VI . 

Presbytery  is  republican  in  its  doctrine  of  ordination. 
Objections  ansivered. 

Not  less  republican  is  our  doctrine  of  ordination.  It  is, 
in  fact,  the  only  form  of  ordination  that  is  truly  catholic 
and  popular.  It  is  most  perfectly  correspondent  to  that 
order  pursued  in  the  republic,  in  the  induction  of  its  magis- 
trates into  office.  Magistracy  is  a  relation  that  must  have 
a  foundation,  as  well  as  the  ministry.  And  just  as  the 
election  and  consent  of  the  people  are  sufficient  to  consti- 
tute any  individual  a  magistrate  or  representative,  so  does 
the  essence  of  a  call  to  the  ministry  consist  in  the  call 
from  God,  or  imparted  fitness  ;  in  the  willingness  of  the 
individual  to  enter  upon  the  office  ;  and  in  the  consent  of 
the  people  to  whom  he  is  to  minister  *  And  as  the  ap- 
pointed form  of  introduction  to  office  designates  or  inaug- 
urates him,  to  whom  the  people  have  given  the  power  or 
right,  according  to  the  constitution ;  so  does  ordination 
designate  and  solemnly  set  apart  to  his  high  calling,  the 
individual  who,  by  the  previous  call  of  the  people,  has 
been  found  empowered  to  enter  upon  the  work  of  the 
ministry.  In  both  cases,  the  power  or  authority  proceeds 
directly  from  the  constitution,  and  not  from  the  electors  ; 
and  thus  do  we  regard  the  ministry  as  authorized,  not  by 
men,  but  by  God.  In  both  cases,  the  exercise  of  preestab- 
lished  authority  is  given  by  the  call  and  election  of  the 
people.  In  both  cases  does  the  form  of  introduction,  (that 
is,  in  the  case  of  the  ministry,  ordination,)  suppose  the 
ascertained  right  and  title  to  the  office,  and  is,  therefore, 
no  more  than  a  solemn  and  becoming  form  of  investiture. 

Now  as  ministers  are,  by  their  office,  servants  of  the 

*  Baxter's  Disput.  on  Ch.  Govt.  p.  232,  &c,  Claude's  Def.  of  the  Ref. 
vol.  ii.  part  iv.  ch.  iii. 

7 


74  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

whole  church,  and  not  of  any  one  portion  of  it  merely,  it 
is  necessary  that  the  whole  body  of  that  church  should 
have  a  voice  in  their  admission  to  their  trust.  Were  they 
to  become  the  servants  of  other  ministers  only,  then  might 
they  be  elected,  as  among  prelatists,  by  the  ministry  alone. 
Or  were  they  to  become  the  pastors  of  a  single  congrega- 
tion, as  on  the  original  j)\mi  of  the  system  of  independency, 
then  might  one  single  church  elect  and  ordain  their  pastor. 
But  as  christian  ministers  are  to  become  ministers  of  the 
church  at  large,  that  church  should  have  a  voice  in  their 
ordination.  And  as  they  cannot  manifestly  have  this  in 
person,  or  in  mass,  they  must,  as  in  the  analogous  case  of 
civil  presidents,  or  legislators,  exercise  it  through  repre- 
sentatives. Now  this  the  church  at  large  does  on  the  plan 
of  presbyterianism,  and  on  no  other.  By  this  the  people, 
whom  the  minister  is  immediately  to  serve,  try,  examine, 
and  prove  him ;  while  the  presbytery,  composed  of  lay 
and  ministerial  delegates,  act  on  behalf  of  the  church  at 
large ;  represent  their  interests  in  the  case  ;  try,  examine, 
and  prove  the  candidate,  in  the  place  of  the  whole  people ; 
and  when  satisfied,  induct  him  into  office,  in  the  name, 
and  for  the  benefit,  of  the  whole  church.  There  is,  there- 
fore, in  the  whole  doctrine  concerning  the  ministry,  as  laid 
down  in  the  system  of  presbyterianism,  a  catholicity,  a 
beauty,  and  a  republicanism,  which  will  be  in  vain  looked 
for  in  any  other.  Our  clergy  are  the  ministers  of  the 
people,  and  empowered  by  them  to  serve  them  in  the 
gospel.  They  are  all  of  them  sustained  by  the  ennobling 
thought,  that  they  are  chosen  by  the  people,  and  clothed 
by  them  with  all  the  dignity  and  authority  they  possess. 
They  all,  too,  stand  upon  the  same  platform  of  official 
equality.  None  of  them  are  '  inferior,'  and,  as  such,  '  in- 
sulted, as  in  England,  by  the  mockery  of  an  election ;' 
nor  as  within  the  Roman  jurisdiction,  required  to  receive 
a  master  who  is  himself  a  slave.'* 

*  The  Churchman's  Monthly  Rev.  June,  1841,  p.  313. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  75 

Is  it  objected,  that  the  clergy  have  a  certain  aristocrat- 
ical  influence  in  the  church,  resulting  from  their  character, 
studies,  and  relations  ?  Grant,  that  the  ministry  do  con- 
stitute a  check  to  the  unreflecting  passions  and  revolu- 
tionary spirit  of  the  multitude  ;  is  there  nothing  analogous 
to  this  in  our  republic?  The  magistrates,  judges,  and  all 
the  other  officers  of  government,  our  representatives, 
senators,  and  lawyers,  who  share  in  its  stability  and 
wealth,  serve  also  as  a  kind  of  aristocracy,  to  break  off  the 
wild  deluge  of  fierce  and  anarchical  democracy  in  the 
state,  and  as  the  connecting  link  and  bond  between  the 
two  great  classes  of  society,  the  governing,  and  those  for 
whom  they  govern.*  And  it  is  by  the  possession  of  these 
aristocratic  elements,  this  elective  and  responsible  nobility, 
not  of  wealth,  but  of  office  and  dignity,  that  both  the  civil 
government  of  the  land,  and  the  ecclesiastical  government 
of  our  church,  are  constituted  republics,  and  are  distin- 
guished from  pure  democracies. 


SECTION      VII. 

Presbytery  eminently  republican  in  its  office  of  ruling  elders. 
Objections  ansivered. 

Let  us  now  pass  on  to  the  consideration  of  the  office  of 
ruling  elders  in  the  presbyterian  church.  This  office  may 
be  shown  to  be  eminently  republican,  either  as  divinely  in- 
stituted, or  as  having  resulted  from  the  principle  of  repre- 
sentation, the  power  of  the  church  having  been  originally 
vested  in  the  people.  Republican  society  is  based  on  the 
principle,  that  arbiters,  magistrates,  or  representatives,  cho- 
sen by  the  consent  of  the  people,  in  all  the  several  districts, 
shall  judge  and  determine  the  causes  of  wrong  and  injury, 

*  See  Tocquev.  vol.  i.  pp.  298,  300,  304,  and  vol.  ii.  p.  325. 


76  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

whether  pubhc  or  private.  And  thus  does  the  free  and 
solemn  consent  of  the  church,  in  the  election  of  elders, 
give  authority  unto  such  persons,  in  subordination  to  the 
lav7S  of  the  church.  *  Hence,'  says  our  Form  of  Govern- 
ment, '  ruhng  elders  are  properly  the  representatives  of 
the  people,  chosen  by  them  for  the  purpose  of  exercising 
government  and  discipline.'^ 

As  to  the  necessity  for  some  such  officers,  who,  that 
reflects,  can  doubt.  Does  the  church,  we  ask,  or  does  it 
not,  consist  of  ministers  only?  If  it  does  not  —  and  we 
deny  that  in  any  one  passage  in  the  New  Testament,  the 
term  can  be  understood  of  ministers  merely  —  then  by 
what  rule  of  equity,  human  or  divine,  are  the  laity  to  be 
excluded  from  a  share  in  the  government  of  the  church  ? 
Or  if,  as  we  have  proved,  the  power  of  the  church  was 
vested  by  Christ,  in  the  whole  body  of  the  church,!  who 
shall  dare  to  exclude  the  laity  from  the  proper  exercise  of 
that  power. 

Now  this  undeniable  fact,  that  the  laity  compose  the 
great  body  of  the  church  of  Christ,  was  the  chief  ground 
upon  which  the  necessity  of  the  eldership  has  been  ever 
urged.  '  Our  divines,'  says  Mr.  George  Gillespie,  in  his 
assertion  of  the  government  of  the  church  of  Scotland,^ 
'  prove  against  papists,  that  some  of  these,  whom  they 
call  laicks,  ought  to  have  a  place  in  the  assemblies  of  the 
church, by  this  argument  among  the  rest;  because,  other- 
wise, the  whole  church  could  not  be  thereby  represented. 
'  And  it  is  plain  enough,  that  the  church  cannot  be  repre- 
sented, except  the  hearers  of  the  word,  which  are  the  far 
greatest  part  of  the  church,  be  represented.  By  the  min- 
isters of  the  word,  they  cannot  be  represented,  more  than 
the  burghs  can  be  represented  in  parliament  by  the  noble- 
men, or  by  the  commissioners  of  shires ;    therefore,  by 

*  Ch.  V.     See  Paget's  Def.  of  Presb.  Ch.  Govt.  pp.  4,  5. 
t  See    Presbytery  and   not  Prelacy  the  Scriptural  and    Primitive 
Polity,  B.  i.  ch.  iii. 
X  Part  i.  cap.  4. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  77 

some  of  their  own  kind  must  they  be  represented,  that  is, 
by  such  as  are  hearers,  and  not  preachers.  Now  some 
hearers  cannot  represent  all  the  rest,  except  they  have  a 
calling  and  commission  thereto  ;  and  who  can  these  be 
but  ruling  elders  ?  And  again,  when  the  council  of  Trent 
was  first  spoken  of  in  the  Diet  at  Wortimberg,  Anno.  1522, 
all  the  estates  of  Germany  desired  of  pope  Adrian  VI., 
that  admittance  might  be  granted,  as  well  to  laymen  as 
to  clergymen,  and  that  not  only  as  witnesses  and  specta- 
tors, but  to  be  judges  there.  This  they  could  not  obtain, 
therefore  they  would  not  come  to  the  council,  and  pub- 
lished a  book,  where  they  allege  this  for  one  cause  of 
their  not  coming  to  Trent,  because  none  had  voice  there 
but  cardinals,  bishops,  abbots,  generals,  or  superiors  of 
orders,  whereas  laicks  also  ought  to  have  a  decisive  voice 
in  councils.  If  none  but  the  ministers  of  the  word  should 
sit  and  have  a  voice  in  a  synod,  then  it  could  not  be  a  church 
representative  ;  because  the  most  part  of  the  church  (who 
are  the  hearers  and  not  the  teachers  of  the  word)  are  not 
represented  in  it.  A  common  cause  ought  to  be  conclu- 
ded by  common  voices.  But  that  which  is  treated  of  in 
councils,  is  a  common  cause,  pertaining  to  many  particular 
churches.  Our  divines,  when  they  prove  against  papists, 
that  the  election  of  ministers,  and  the  excommunication 
of  obstinate  sinners,  ought  to  be  done  by  the  suffrages  of 
the  whole  church,  make  use  of  this  same  argument; 
that  which  concerneth  all,  ought  to  be  treated  of  and 
judged  by  all' 

So  argued  one  of  Scotland's  noble  sons,  and  a  repre- 
sentative in  the  Westminster  Assembly  of  Divines.  And 
such,  also,  are  the  general  views  of  the  presbyterian 
church.*  Li  nothing,  therefore,  does  she  proclaim  her 
republican  character  more  fully  and  undeniably,  than  in 


*  See  Professor   Jameson's   Cyp,    Isot.   pp.  554  -  556,    and    517, 
540-544. 

7# 


78  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

her  ruling  elders.  They  are  not  ministers.  They  are  not 
presbyters.  But  they  are  delegates  from  the  people, 
officers  chosen  by  them ;  and  representatives,  to  whom 
they  have  transferred  their  power,  to  whom  they  have 
committed  their  interests,  and  who  are  expected  to  act  for 
the  best  good  of  the  whole  body  of  the  christian  people. 
They  constitute,  therefore,  with  the  pastor  of  every  church, 
the  senate,  or  the  house  of  representatives  of  that  church. 
They  also  sit,  vote,  and  act,  in  full  terms  of  equality,  with 
the  ministers,  in  all  the  other  courts  ;  so  that,  in  them  all, 
the  people  ^lo,  fully  and  freely  represented. 

But  it  may  be  said,  that  in  the  presbyterian  form,  ruling 
elders  usurp  the  power  of  the   people  at  large,  and,  in 
fact,   constitute   another  privileged   class. "^      But   these 
elders  are  elective.     They  are  chosen  by  the  people,  and 
from  among  themselves,  and   have  no  power  but  that 
intrusted  to  them   under   the   laws.       Now   the  purest 
republic  may  delegate  legislative,  executive,  and  judi- 
cial power  to  certain  individuals,  or  bodies,  leaving  to  the 
community  no  more  than  the  choice  of  these  ruling  offi- 
cers, and  still  the  government  remain  purely  republican, 
and  not  at  all  mixed.!     It  has  only  delegated   its  power 
to   representatives.      No   individual  in   the   community 
has    power    independent   of    the   people.        Nor    have 
the   people  shared  their  powers   with  others,  but   only 
deputed  to  others  the  power  of  exercising  their  authority. 
^  And  in  like  manner,  ruling  elders,  being  the  chosen  depu- 
(ties  of  the  people,  and  exercising  their  powers  in  full 
'  responsibility  to  the  people,  are  perfectly  accordant  with 
our  republican  institutions,  and  to  the  supreme  power  of 
\  the  body  of  the  church. 

*Hooker,  B.  v.  Decl.  \  8,  vol.  ii.  p.  8,  Keble's  ed. 
tPoJit.  Phil.p.  77,  Lond.1842. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  79 


SECTION     VIII. 

Fresbytery  eminently  republican,  also,  in  its  various 
ecclesiastical  judicatories. 

AVe  come  now  to  notice  the  various  ecclesiastical 
courts  by  which  the  laws  of  the  presbyterian  church  are 
administered. 

In  the  most  free  states,  it  is  common  for  persons  to 
be  deputed  by  the  people,  who  together  constitute  an 
assembly,  representing  the  whole ;  and  it  is  usual  for  the 
whole,  in  such  cases,  to  consider  themselves  bound  by  the 
decision  of  this  general  body.  Such  are  the  town  coun- 
cils, the  state  legislatures,  and  the  congress  in  these 
United  States.  The  importance  of  such  bodies  cannot 
be  over  estimated.  Governments  usually  fall  a  sacrifice 
to  impotence  or  tyranny.  These  are  the  Scylla  and 
Charybdis,  against  which  they  have  to  watch.  And  their 
free  assemblies  are  the  pilots  by  whom  they  are  to  be 
kept  awake  to  danger,  and  guided  safely  through  it.* 
With  free  deliberative,  legislative  assemblies,  liberty, 
civil  and  religious,  has  coexisted  or  expired.  It  has 
also  been  shown  by  president  Adams,t  from  a  review  of 
the  history  of  all  the  mixed  and  free  governments  which 
have  ever  existed  from  the  earliest  records  of  time,  that 
single  assemblies,  without  check  or  balance,  or  a  govern- 
ment with  all  authority  collected  into  one  centre,  accord- 
ing to  the  notion  of  Mr.  Turgot,  were  visionaiy,  violent, 
intriguing,  corrupt,  and  tyrannical  dominations  of  majori- 
ties over  minorities,  and  which  have  uniformly  and  rap- 
idly terminated  their  career  in  a  profligate  despotism.  It 
is  most  clear,  that  tyranny  would  unavoidably  increase 

*  See  Kent's  Comment,  vol.  i.  p.  233. 
t  In  ibid,  p.  223. 


80  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

with  equality,  unless  the  members  of  the  community 
are  protected  by  such  associations,  as  will  enable  them 
to  resist  a  power,  against  which,  single-handed,  they  could 
never  prevail.  Every  wealthy,  talented,  and  powerful 
individual,  forms  m  reality  the  head  of  a  body,  composed 
of  all  under  his  influence,  and  by  which  he  rules  the  rest. 
And  it  is  only  by  having  around  them  the  shield  of  such 
legal  assemblies,  the  poor  and  less  influential  members 
of  society  can  stand  upon  their  rights. 

Look  now  at  the  presbyterian  form  of  church  govern- 
ment. Its  fundamental  principle  is,  that  the  government 
of  the  church  rests  upon  delegated  bodies,  composed  of 
clerical  and  lay  members.*  It  demands,  therefore,  con- 
gregational, district,  provincial,  and  general  assemblies 
of  such  members ;  that  is,  church  sessions,  presbyteries, 
and  a  general  assembly.  By  these  local  associations, 
and  general  confederations,  national,  as  well  as  local 
freedom,  are  promoted  and  secured.  In  our  churches, 
and  church  sessions,  we  see,  that  parish  system  of  local 
government,  to  which  Tocqueville  looks  as  the  unques- 
tionable germ  and  model  of  our  American  institutions.! 
In  our  presbyteries  we  have  the  district  system,  the 
townships,  and  municipal  bodies  by  which  the  public 
spirit  is  preserved,  and  which  '  constitute  the  strength  of 
free  nations. '$  In  our  synods,  we  find  the  legislatures 
of  our  several  states,  which  are  justly  regarded  as  the 
bulwarks  of  their  liberty.  And  in  our  general  assembly,  we 
have  the  national  ecclesiastical  congress.  Each  of  these 
courts  is  bound  to  regulate  itself  by  the  laws  of  the  great 
community;  while  not  one  of  those  laws  is  to  be  entered 
on  the  statute-book,  till  the  consent  of  those  whom  it  is 

*  See  the  analogy  between  these,  and  republican  principles,  drawn 
out  by  Brown,  in  his  Vind.  of  Presb.  Ch.  Govt.  Edinb.  1812,  pp.  15, 
174, 175. 

tTocquev.  i.  pp.  28,  40,  85. 

JTocquev.  i.  62,  and  ch.  5,  generally. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  81 

to  control  has  been  asked,  through  the  medium  of  their 
legitimate  judicatories.^  Each  church  is  a  young  repub- 
lic, having  its  popular  assemblies,  its  delegated  repre- 
sentatives, its  local  tribunal,  its  independent  by-laws,  and 
the  entire  and  exclusive  management  of  all  matters 
which  are  purely  local.  Each  congregation  is  thus  a  com- 
monwealth, as  truly  as  each  synod.  It  has  its  own 
important  and  independent  sphere  of  action,  and  is  a  type 
of  the  general  government  of  the  v/hole  church.  Here 
the  laity — the  people — rule  and  reign.  The  minister 
stands  alone,  one  against  a  host ;  chosen  by  the  free  votes, 
supported  by  the  voluntary  contribution,  and  made  useful 
only  by  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  the  people,  he 
ministers  to  them  in  holy  things.  In  the  session  he  is 
one  in  association  with  several,  and  can  exercise  no  more 
than  a  moral  influence. 

By  the  constitution  of  these  church  sessions  all  churches 
are  equal  among  themselves,  and  all  the  members  of  each 
church  equal  to  every  other;!  so  that  every  member  of  our 
church  is  assured,  if  in  any  way  liable  to  discipline,  of  a 
fair  hearing,  before  a  body  composed  of  his  fellow  mem- 
bers, and  of  his  own  order,  and  from  whose  judgment  he 
may  appeal  to  the  higher  tribunal  of  the  presbyteryX 
To  confine  the  decisions  of  all  cases  which  must  arise 
in  every  well-ordered  society,  to  the  clergymen,  or  to  the 
clergy  alone,  and  thus  to  consolidate  in  their  hands,  the 
entire  government  of  the  body,  is  contrary  to  the  very 
first  law  of  all  society,  which  provides  that  no  man  shall 
be  judge  in  his  own  cause.  On  this  principle,  there  is 
no  society,  no  freedom,  no  protection  from  oppressive  and 
despotic  rule,  no  bulwark  against  that  resistless  tide, 
with  which  power,  when  lodged  in  the  hands  of  a  few 
weak  and  imperfect  men,  encroaches  upon  the  territory, 

*Dr.  Muir's  Disc,  in  Commem.  of  1638,  p.  15. 
tSee  Brown's  Vind.  of  Presb.  Ch.  Govt.  p.  167. 
}See  Jones's  Wks.  vol.  ii.  p.  421 ,  on  the  value  of  this  arrangement. 


82  ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM. 

and  the  just  rights,  of  all  who  are  opposed  to  it.  Nor  can 
that  ecclesiastical  system  be  possibly  republican,  or  con- 
sonant to  the  genius  of  our  free  commonwealths,  which 
subjugates  the  laity  to  the  clergy,  and  the  inferior  clergy, 
as  they  are  ignobly  called,  to  the  higher,  and  which 
attaches  a  supremacy  of  power  to  an  aristocratic  class. 

But  in  the  system  of  presbyterianism  there  is  no  privil- 
eged order  or  class,  as  it  regards  their  personal  rights. 
No  single  member  of  the  church  is  excluded  from  an 
active  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  spiritual  repubhc.  In 
its  temporalities,  all  its  supporters  have  a  voice.  In  all 
its  spiritualities,  every  qualified  male  member  has  an 
equal  interest  and  voice.  In  every  ecclesiastical  court, 
from  the  church  session,  which  is  the  lowest,  to  the  gen- 
eral assembly,  which  is  the  highest,  the  chosen  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  sit  as  coequal  members  with 
their  ministerial  brethren.  And  it  is  morally  impossible, 
for  any  act  to  be  passed,  in  any  judicatory  of  our  church, 
or  enforced  in  any  portion  of  it,  which  is  adverse  to  the 
interests  and  to  the  wishes  of  a  majority  of  its  members. 

The  spiritual  affairs,  so  far  as  they  appertain  to  the 
district  within  its  territory,  and  to  the  interests  of  all  the 
churches  included  in  it,  are  in  like  manner  conducted  by 
our  presbyteries,  to  which  any  one  aggrieved  by  the 
course  pursued  in  the  churches  may  appeal,  and  have 
his  cause  heard  before  an  impartial  tribunal.  In  the 
same  way  do  our  synods  take  order  for  securing  the  peace, 
unity,  and  prosperity,  of  all  the  churches  within  their  wider 
limits.  The  church  being  divided*  'into  many  separate 
congregations,  these  need  mutual  counsel  and  assistance, 
in  order  to  preserve  soundness  of  doctrine,  and  regularity 
of  disciphne,  and  to  enter  into  common  measures  for 
promoting  knowledge,  and  religion,  and  for  preventing 
infidelity,  error,  and  immorality.    Hence  arise  the  impor- 

*Form  of  Govt.  ch.  x.  §  1. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  83 

tance    and   usefulness    of    presbyterial    and    synodical 
assemblies.' 

Eacli  of  these  bodies  possesses  certain  sovereign  and  in- 
dependent rights,  under  the  constitution,  with  which  the 
others  cannot  interfere.  In  our  synods,  and  the  states 
over  which  they  usually  preside,  we  have  complete  pres- 
byterian  republics  ;  so  that  were  they  in  any  case  to  be- 
come independent  of  all  the  rest,  as  they  may  at  any 
moment,  they  would  not  be  found  wanting  in  any  prin- 
ciple of  presbyterianism.  How  perfect  the  analogy  to 
our  several  states  in  the  civil  commonwealth.  But  as 
those  states  have  found  it  to  be  for  their  individual  in- 
terests, and  the  general  prosperity  of  the  country,  to  form 
that  confederation  wdiich  constitutes  the  government  of 
the  United  States  ;  so  have  our  several  synods  been  led, 
by  the  strong  impulse  of  christian  union,  to  constitute  the 
general  assembly.  This  body  represents  all  the  partic- 
ular churches  of  the  denomination,  and  constitutes  the 
bond  of  union,  peace,  correspondence,  and  mutual  confi- 
dence among  all  our  churches.  Like  the  federal  govern- 
ment, it  is  clothed  with  all  the  powers  necessary  to  rep- 
resent and  carry  out  the  interests  of  each  synod,  and  the 
conduct  of  those  affairs  which  cannot  be  administered  so 
well  by  the  synods  separately,  and  which  regard  the  uni- 
ted interests  of  all  the  churches,  presbyteries,  and  synods. 
The  cause  of  missions,  foreign  and  domestic,  and  the 
publication  of  such  works  as  are  of  general  utility  and 
importance,  are  thus  intrusted  in  a  special  manner,  to 
the  wise  conduct  of  this  general  assembly.  And  just  as 
congress  is  not  restricted  from  any  constructive  assump- 
tion of  power,  w-hich  is  essential  to  the  complete  enjoy- 
ment and  exercise  of  that  which  \'s>  formally  given,  and  to 
the  furtherance  of  the  beneficent  ends  of  the  government,^ 

*  Kent's  Comment,  vol.  i.  p.  214.  '  A  government  too  restricted  for 
the  due  performance  of  its  hij,-h  trusts,  will  either  become  insignificant 
or  be  driven  to  usurpation.'  Ibid.  The  want  of  this  was  the'cause  of 
the  weakness  of  the  confederation. 


84  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

SO  lias  our  assembly  felt  justly  authorized  to  create  boards 
or  agencies,  for  the  efficient  discharge  of  its  high  duties 
in  evangelizing  our  own  country  and  the  heathen  world. 
Laws  and  regulations  whose  force  and  operation  are  to 
continue,  are  made  in  a  little  time,  and  hence  there  is  no 
necessity  for  the  legislative  body  to  be  always  in  session."^' 
But  since  these  regulations  need  perpetual  execution  and 
attendance,  therefore  it  is  necessary  that  there  should  be 
a  power  always  in  being,  which  may  carry  out  the  laws 
when  made.  And  hence  is  the  executive  separated 
from  the  legislative  power  in  our  republic!  Now,  in  per- 
fect correspondence  with  these  established  principles,  the 
executive  power,  in  carrying  out  all  its  designs,  is  com- 
mitted by  our  general  assembly  to  its  several  boards, 
which  are,  in  fact,  so  many  executive  committees.  And 
as  the  legislature  cannot  always  foresee  and  provide  for 
all  that  may  be  useful  to  the  country,  and  the  executive 
is  empowered  to  make  use  of  its  power  for  the  public 
good,  even  in  cases  for  which  the  law  has  made  no 
special  provision,  until  the  legislature  can  assemble  and 
provide  for  the  occasion  ;t  so  also  are  these  boards  or 
committees  necessarily  empowered  to  take  all  measures 
which  are  required,  in  order  to  carry  out  the  objects 
intrusted  to  them,  under  a  responsibility  always  to  the 
general  assembly. 

Again,  as  the  judiciary  is  appointed  to  pass  upon  any 
action  of  any  member  of  the  confederacy,  which  seems  to 
be  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  union ;  so  have  we  in  our 
written  constitution,  and  the  power  there  secured  to  our 
presbyteries  to  decide  by  a  majority  against  any  usurpa- 
tion of  authority  on  the  part  of  the  assembly  —  our 
judiciary. 

Further,  in  the  government  of  the  United  States,  an 

^  Locke  on  Govt.  ch.  xii.  §  143  and  §  153. 
t  See  ibid,  ch.  xii.  §  144  and  §  153. 
J  Ibid,  ch.  xiv.  §  159-161. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  85 

nltimatc  arbiter  of  interpretation  is  provided  in  the  su- 
preme court.  And  thus  also  in  our  church  we  have  the 
general  assemblj^  a  court  composed  of  delegates  from 
all  portions  of  the  church,  and  which,  in  all  cases  of 
doubtful  disputation  as  to  the  true  meaning  and  intent  of 
the  constitution,  is  empowered  to  give  an  authorized  ex- 
position of  the  law,  which  becomes  binding  on  the  whole 
church,  unless  rejected  by  the  contrary  decision  of  a  ma- 
jority of  all  its  presbyteries,  that  is,  by  the  people,  speak- 
ing through  these  primary  assemblies.  Although,  there- 
fore, our  general  assembly  has  great  legislative  power, 
yet  it  has  no  executive  power.  Its  laws  go  down  to  our 
synods,  presbyteries,  and  churches,  to  be  executed  by 
them  ;  and,  should  they  imply  any  thing  arbitrary  or  uncon- 
stitutional, their  force  may  there  be  at  once  stayed,  as  by 
so  many  breakwaters,  against  the  power  of  tyranny. 


SECTION 


Presbytery   republican  in   several  other  particulars,   ivith 
testimonies  in  its  favor. 

The  analogy,  therefore,  between  our  ecclesiastical 
assemblies  and  those  of  the  republic,  is  as  complete  as,  in 
the  nature  of  things,  it  could  be.  Were  it  necessary  it 
might  be  still  further  enlarged.  We  will  only  briefly 
allude  to  some  other  particulars.  Each  house  of  civil 
representatives  is  sole  judge  of  the  election  return,  and 
of  the  qualifications  of  its  members  \^  and  so  is  it  with 
our  assembly.  The  house  of  representatives  choose 
their  own  speaker  ;t  and  so  do  our  assemblies  elect  their 
moderator.  The  proceedings  of  all  our  civil  assemblies 
are  public ',%   so  arc    those   of  our  ecclesiastical  courts. 

*  Kent,  i.  234.  f  Ibid,  p.  237.  J  Ibid,  p.  237,  238. 

8 


8  6  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

None  of  the  officers  or  members  of  our  civil  legislatures 
are  inviolable  ;  neither  are  there  any  privileged  members 
or  classes  among  us,  who  are  either  above  the  law,  or 
screened  from  its  attack.*  The  members  of  all  our  civil 
assembhes  are  equally  delegated  by  the  people,  and  repre- 
sent them ;  and  so  are  the  members  of  every  ecclesias- 
tical body.  Each  state  puts  faith  in  the  acts  of  every 
other  state  ;  and  so  does  every  ecclesiastical  assembly  in 
the  acts  of  every  other.  Just  as  new  states  are  admitted 
to  the  union,  so  are  new  synods  received  into  our  eccle- 
siastical confederation.  As  each  several  state  elects  its 
governor  annually,  so  does  every  synod  and  assembly 
annually  appoint  its  presiding  head. 

The  following  testimony  to  this  republican  character  of 

our  form  of  government,  though  given  by  an  enemy,  and 

designed  to  imply  censure,  is  a  reluctant  admission  of  the 

truth  in  the  case.      '  Yet,'  says  bishop  Hughes,t   '  though 

I  it  is  my  privilege  to  regard  the  authority  exercised  by  the 

j  general  assembly  as  usurpation,^  still  I  must  say,  with 

I  every  man  acquainted  with  the  mode  in  which  it  is  or- 

)  ganized,   that,  for  the  purposes  of  popular  and  political 

v  government,  its  structure  is  little  inferior  to  that  of  the 

,  congress  itself     In  any  emergency  that  may  arise,  the 

*  general  assembly  can  produce  a   uniformity  among  its 

j  adherents  to  the  furthest  boundaries  of  the  land.     It  acts 

]  on  the  principle  of  a  radiating  centre,  and  is  without  an 

'  EQUAL  or  a  rival  aiTiong  the  other  denominations  of  the 

country.'^     '  Here,'  to  use  the  words  of  Alexander  Hen- 

derson,ll  '  there  is  a  superiority  without  tyranny,  for  no 

*  Kent,  i.  p.  28S. 

t  Breckinridge  and  Hughes's  Discussion,  p.  80. 

X  We  know  that  laymen  never  vote  in  Romish  councils.  This  is  a 
presbyterian  heresy. 

§  How  king  James  and  all  the  arbitrary  kings  of  England  dreaded 
our  general  assemblies,  and  their  influence,  in  producing  a  spirit  of 
liberty,  we  know.  See  Lect.  on  the  Headship  of  Christ,  pp.  C6,  70, 80. 
See  p.  13. 

II  See  in  Lorimer's  Manual  of  Presbytery,  p.  257. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    RErUBLICANISM.  87 

minister  hath  a  papal  or  monarchical  jurisdiction  over  his 
own  flock,  far  less  over  other  pastors,  and  over  all  the 
congregations  of  a  large  diocese.  Here,  then,  is  parity 
without  confusion  and  disorder,  for  the  pastors  are  in 
order  before  the  elders,  and  the  elders  before  the  dea- 
cons ;  every  particular  church  is  subordinate  to  the  pres- 
bytery, the  presbytery  to  the  synod,  and  the  synod  to  the 
national  assembly.  One  pastor,  also,  hath  priority  of  es- 
teem before  another  for  age,  for  zeal,  for  gifts,  for  good 
deservings  of  the  church,  each  one  honoring  him  whom 
God  hath  honored,  and  as  he  beareth  the  image  of  God, 
which  Avas  to  be  seen  amongst  the  apostles  themselves. 
But  none  hath  preeminence  of  title,  or  power,  or  juris- 
diction above  others  ;  even  as  in  nature  one  eye  hath  not 
power  over  another,  only  the  head  hath  power  over  all, 
even  as  Christ  over  his  church.  And,  lastly,  here  there  is 
a  subjection  without  slavery,  for  the  people  are  subject 
to  the  pastors  and  assemblies  ;  yet  there  is  no  assembly 
wherein  every  particular  church  hath  not  interest  and 
power,  nor  is  there  any  thing  done  but  they  are,  if  not  ac- 
tually, yet  virtually,  called  to  consent  unto  it.' 

Such  is  the  correspondence  between  the  doctrines  of 
our  church,  our  ministry,  our  eldership,  our  ecclesiasti- 
cal assemblies,  and  the  essential  principles  and  charac- 
teristic outlines  of  this  great  and  free  commonwealth. 
From  the  delineation  we  have  given  of  our  system,  we 
may  challenge  the  inquirer,  to  bring  it  to  the  test  of  every 
principle  which  we  have  laid  down  as  a  constituent  ele- 
ment in  republicanism.  Sure  we  are  that  no  discordance 
will  be  found  between  the  two,  when  fairly  considered; 
but  a  most  entire  and  perfect  similarity. 


88  ECCLESIASTICAL    RErUBLICANISM. 


SECTION     X 


Presbytery  republican  in  its  creeds;  in  its  protection  of 
minorities ;  in  the  framing  of  its  laws ;  in  its  universal 
suffrage ;  and  in  its  simplicity  and  opposition  to  all  un- 
necessary forms. 

Let  us,  however,  call  attention  to  a  few  additional 
points,  in  which  the  analogy  will  be  as  strikingly  man- 
ifest. 

Presbyterians  are  attached  to  creeds  ;  that  is,  they  be- 
lieve that  certain  great  truths  and  principles  in  religion 
must  be  fixed,  certain,  and  established.  But  this  is  not 
inconsistent,  as  is  ignorantly  affirmed,  with  the  spirit  of 
republicanism,  but  is,  on  the  contrary,  necessary  to  true 
freedom.  '  Obviously,'  says  Tocqueville,*  '  without  such 
common  belief  no  society  can  prosper;  say  rather,  no  so- 
ciety does  subsist ;  for  without  ideas  held  in  common, 
there  is  no  common  action,  and  without  common  action 
there  may  still  be  men,  but  there  is  no  social  body.  In 
order  that  society  should  exist,  and,  a  fortiori,  that  a  so- 
ciety should  prosper,  it  is  required  that  all  the  minds  of 
the  citizens  should  be  rallied,  and  held  together  by  certain 
prominent  ideas  ;  and  this  cannot  be  the  case,  unless 
each  of  them  sometimes  draws  his  opinion  from  the  com- 
mon source,  and  consents  to  accept  certain  matters  of 
belief  at  the  hands  of  the  community.  The  public  has, 
therefore,  among  a  democratic  people,  a  singular  power, 
of  Avhich  aristocratic  nations  could  never  so  much  as  con- 
ceive an  idea ;  for  it  does  not  persuade  to  certain  opin- 
ions, but  it  enforces  them,  and  infuses  them  into  the  fac- 
ulties, by  a  sort  of  enormous  pressure  of  the  minds  of  all 
upon  the  reason  of  each.     In  the  United  States  the  ma- 

*  Vol.  ii.  p.  7.     See  also  pp.  8-10. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  89 

jority  undertakes  to  supply  a  multitude  of  ready-made 
opinions  for  the  use  of  individuals,  who  are  thus  relieved 
from  the  necessity  of  forming  opinions  of  their  own. 
Every  body,  then,  adopts  great  numbers  of  theories  on 
philosophy,  morals,  and  politics,  without  inquiry  upon 
public  trust:' 

Sach  established  opinions  are  the  common  law  of  the 
land  and  of  the  church.  In  both,  alike,  they  protect  the 
minority  from  that  capricious  tyranny  of  the  democracy, 
which  otherwise  would  oppress  them.  In  both  cases, 
also,  these  fundamental  principles  are  embodied  in  the 
public  constitutions,  and  are  thus,  in  a  measure,  immu- 
table and  fixed. 

Again,  in  the  republic,  power  is  determined  by  num- 
bers, and  yet  even  the  minority  are  protected  by  the 
charter  of  the  constitution ;  and  so  in  our  church  the  same 
principle  prevails,  since  it  is  fundamental  to  our  compact, 
that  the  majority  shall  be  ruled  by  the  constitution,  and 
all  by  the  Bible.  We  have  one  law,  and  one  interpreta- 
tion of  the  law.* 

*  See  Dr.  Junkins's  Inaugural  Address,  p.  39.  To  such  a  political 
creed,  and  to  its  noble  defence  by  an  oppressed  and  persecuted 
minority,  we  owe  our  present  liberties.  '  In  the  times  of  Charles,  a 
band  of  independent  and  public-spirited  men  were  raised  up.  Their 
aim  was  to  recover  the  nation's  forj^otten  liberties  and  privileges. 
And  in  what  manner  did  they  act  ?  They  fell  back  upon  the  consti- 
tution of  the  country  ;  they  had  recourse  to  statutes  and  acts  which 
were  declared  to  be  perpetual ;  and  these  they  plead  in  opposition  to 
all  succeeding  innovations.  There  was  an  old  record  on  which  the 
dust  of  years  had  gathered;  this  they  brought  from  its  resting-place  ; 
they  studied  the  provisions  of  Magna  Charta,  and  for  these  provisions 
they  determined  to  contend,  and  to  contend  for  them  on  the  ground 
that  they  were  embodied  in  this  charter,  which  defined  the  country's 
constitution.  The  authority  of  this  record  they  maintained  against 
all  contrary  changes.  Charles  could  plead  precedents  and  long-con- 
tinued usage,  and  the  authority  of  judges,  in  support  of  many  of  his 
measures.  Yet  Hampden,  and  Pym,  and  Hollis,  resisted  these 
measures,  and  the  ground  of  their  resistance  was,  that  these  measures 
were  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  Magna  Charta.  Charles  had  the 
authority  of  his  law-courts  for  the  measure  which  he  pressed,  but 
these  men  set  the  authority  of  the  constitution  against  the  authority 
of  the  law-courts,  and  one  of  the  leading  grievances  of  which  they 
complained  was  this,  '  the  judgment  of  lawyers  against  our  liberty.^ 

8# 


90  ECCLESIASTICAL    RErUBLICANISlVI. 

It  is  another  essential  principle  of  all  true  liberty,  that 
no  man  should  be  bound  by  laws,  canons,  or  decrees,  over 
which,  in  their  origination,  and  in  their  continuance,  he 
has  no  control,  by  himself,  or  his  legal  representative. 
And,  hence,  in  England,  the  canons  of  1603  have  never 
been  recognised  in  law  as  binding  upon  the  laity,  because 
they  were  not  represented  in  the  convocation  by  which 
they  were  passed  *  Now  this,  also,  is  the  law  of  our 
church.  To  no  rule  or  canon  is  any  part  of  the  clergy  or 
laity  required  to  pay  respect,  which  has  not  been  con- 
firmed by  their  assent,  either  given  in  person,  or  by  their 
delegated  representatives.  As  thus  securing  in  all  their 
amplitude,  the  rights  of  all  its  members,  the  constitutional 
bulwarks  of  our  church,  stand  as  a  proud  monument  on 
which  their  liberties  are  inscribed,  and  which  pledge 
them  to  be  free,  and  to  hold  the  equal,  universal,  civil, 
and  rehgious  rights  of  all  other  men,  denominations,  and 
people.!  . 

Universal  suffrage  in  the  choice  of  its  legislators  is  also 
considered  a  prominent  feature  of  republicanism  ;  and 
universal  suffrage  amongst  communicants,  in  the  clioice 
of  their  clergy,  is  equally  necessary  to  ecclesiastical 
republicanism.  But  this  principle,  we  have  seen,  is  fun- 
damental to  our  system,  and  one  for  which  the  church  of 
Scotland  is,  at  this  moment,  willing  to  run  the  hazard  of 
the  most  imminent  peril  and  loss.?     Our  system  consti- 


*  White's  Mem.  of  Prot.  Ep.  Ch.  p.  78. 

t  Breckinridge  and  Hughes's  Discussion,  p.  146. 

J  The  Scotch  church  has  declared  herself  republican,  in  the  ecclesi- 
astical sense,  insisting  upon  universal  suffrage  amongst  communicants 
in  the  choice  of  the  clergy.  If  the  movement  party  in  Scotland  is 
maintaining  the  right  of  election  for  the  people  —  that  in  England  is 
demanding  it  for  the  bishops.  The  electoral  rights  of  the  people  are 
never  mentioned  in  the  Oxlbrd  conclave.  There,  they  treat  only  of 
the  rights  of  the  successors  of  the  apostles,  which  protestantism  has 
invaded  and  Catholicism  is  determined  to  restore.  Here  the  two 
churches  are  directly  opposed.  They  are  the  ecclesiastical  counter- 
parts of  radicals  and  tories  —  the  radicals  being  the  Scotch  and  the 
tories  the  English  divines.     In  perfect  harmony  with  this  distinctive 


ECCLESIASTICAL    KETUBLICANISM.  91 

tutes  the  people  umpires  in  determining  the  comparative  \ 
merits  of  preachers,  and  in  deciding  who  shall  rule  over  ' 
them.  It  is  a  system  worked  by  popular  power,  which 
bestow^s  a  kind  of  franchise  on  all  who  become  parties  to 
it,  and  which  is,  therefore,  dependent  upon  popular  intel- 
ligence. There  must,  therefore,  as  in  the  republic,  be 
some  limits  to  the  exercise  of  this  franchise ;  and  this  is 
found  in  the  qualifications  laid  down  for  membership  in 
the  church,  and  which  imply  such  a  measure  of  discern- 
ment and  goodness,  as  is  necessary  to  the  exercise  of  that 
franchise,  and  to  the  privileges  of  this  '  holy  and  equal 
aristocracy."^ 

Simphcity,  and  an  opposition  to  all  unnecessary  forms 
and  external  observances  is,  we  have  found,  another  prin- 
ciple of  republicanism.  Nothing  is  more  repugnant  to  it, 
than  a  subjection  to  forms  —  nothing  more  unimpressive, 
than  ceremonial  observances.  That  religion,  therefore, 
which  hopes  to  amalgamate  and  to  become  identified  with 
a  republican  form  of  government,  must  assume  few  exter- 
nal observances,  and  vulgar,  superstitious  pageantry,  dress, 
and  show.  '  I  have  shown,'!  says  Tocqueville,  '  that  no- 
thing is  more  repugnant  to  the  human  mind,  in  an  age  of 
equahty,  than  the  idea  of  a  subjection  to  forms.  Men  liv- 
ing at  such  times  are  impatient  of  figures  ;  to  their  eyes 
symbols  appear  to  be  the  puerile  artifice  which  is  used  to 


character,  the  Scotch  divines  are  aiming  at  the  most  simple  and  unos- 
tenta1ious,/7wa/e  for  their  ecclesiastical  reformation — the  simple  preach- 
ing of  the  word!  The  English  regard  the  preaching  as  a  matter  of 
minor  importance  ;  considering  rites  and  ceremonies,  with  ostentatious 
display  in  dresses,  and  plate,  and  statues,  and  pictures,  and  genu- 
flexions, and  music,  as  the  primary,  whilst  preaching  is  only  a  second- 
ary, subject  of  consideration.  In  other  words,  the  Scotch  are  argu- 
mentative, and  aim  at  the  full  establishment  of  a  system  which  will 
encourage  the  exercise  of  judgment  and  criticism  amongst  the  people, 
by  constituting  them  judges  of  ministers,  and  umpires  in  determining 
the  coinparative  merits  of  preachers  and  doctrines.  Letter  fi am  Eng- 
land, in  N.  Y.  Journal  of  Commerce. 

*  Milton.     See  Vaughan's  Congreg.  p.  11. 

t  Vol.  ii.  pp.  25,  26. 


92  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

conceal  or  set  off  truths  wliicli  should  more  naturally  be 
bared  to  the  light  of  open  day  ;  they  are  unmoved  by  cer- 
emonial observances,  and  they  are  predisposed  to  attach 
a  secondary  importance  to  the  details  of  public  worship. 
I  firmly  believe  in  the  necessity  of  forms  which  fix  the 
human  mind  in  the  contemplation  of  abstract  truths,  and 
stimulate  its  ardor  in  the  pursuit  of  them,  while  they  in- 
vigorate its  power  of  retaining  them  steadfastly.  Nor  do 
I  suppose  that  it  is  possible  to  maintain  a  religion  Avithout 
external  observances  ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  I  am  per- 
suaded that  in  the  ages  upon  which  we  are  entering,  it 
Avould  be  peculiarly  dangerous  to  multiply  them  beyond 
measure  ;  and  that  they  ought  rather  to  be  limited  to  as 
much  as  is  absolutely  necessary,  to  perpetuate  the  doc- 
trine itself,  which  is  the  substance  of  religion  of  which  the 
ritual  is  only  the  form.  A  religion  which  should  become 
more  minute,  more  peremptory,  and  more  surcharged  with 
small  observances  at  a  time  in  which  men  are  becoming 
more  equal,  would  soon  find  itself  reduced  to  a  band  of  fa- 
natical zealots  in  the  midst  of  an  infidel  people.'  Now  is 
not  this  a  portraiture  of  the  presbyterian  church  in  contrast 
with  prelatic  and  Romish  churches  ? 

'  The  worship  of  the  Lutherans,'  says  Mr.  Villers,*  '  and 
still  more  that  of  the  Calvinists,  is  simple  and  strict.  A 
stone,  a  cloth,  form  the  altar  ;  a  pulpit  and  benches  are  all 
the  decorations  necessary  to  the  temple.  Here  nothing  is 
thought  of  but  the  gospel,  and  some  divine  songs  on  moral- 
ity and  the  christian  duties,  sung  by  the  congregation.  All 
is  devoid  of  ornament,  pomp,  and  elegance.  The  priest  is 
clothed  in  a  modest  black  garment:  no  veneration  of  a 
saint  or  an  angel,  and  still  less  of  their  images,  is  recom- 
mended to  pious  souls.  It  might  be  said,  that  this  wor- 
ship is  melancholy  and  dry  in  comparison  with  that  of  the 
Catholics,  if,  indeed,  an  assembly  of  persons  collected 

*  Villers  on  the  Ref.  p.  249. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM.  93 

to  worship  in  common,  can  really  correspond  with  the  idea 
of  mekincholy.  Nevertheless,  it  is  certain,  that  this  wor- 
ship can  elevate  the  soul,  and  tends  to  disenchant  the  im- 
agination.' 

And  who  can  witness  this  form  of  presbyterian  wor- 
ship, which  has  been  termed  '  the  nndeflowered  and  un- 
blemishable  simplicity  of  the  gospel,'=^  and  which  is  the 
very  embodiment  of  the  republican  spirit, — and  then  con- 
trast it  with  that  '  false-whited  lawny  resemblance  of  the 
gospel,  like  that  air-born  Helena  in  the  fables,  made  by 
the  sorcery  of  prelates,'!  without  feeling  that  these  lat- 
ter, by  their  caps  and  hoods,  their  gowns  and  surplices, 
their  belts  and  ornaments,  their  rochets  and  scapulaires, 
their  crosses  and  pictures,  their  dishes  and  censers,  their 
little  bells  and  big  bells,  their  singing-boys  and  singing- 
girls,  their  train-bearers  and  worshippers,  their  bowings 
and  crossings,  their  risings  and  sitting  down,  their  kneel- 
ings  and  prostrations,  their  paradings  and  genuflexions, 
and  all  the  pride,  pomp,  and  circumstance,  which  make  up 
the  sabbath  desecration  of  our  Romish  temples,  do  actual- 
ly, and  in  the  experience  of  a  large  proportion  of  the  Avor- 
shippers,  drive  holiness  out  of  living  into  lifeless  things, 
and  seduce  men  to  the  worship  of  the  creature  more  than 
the  creator,  who  is  a  Spirit,  and  to  be  worshipped  only  in 
spirit  and  in  truth.  Certain  it  is,  that  even  Tocqueville 
positively  affirms,  of  our  republican  form  of  government, 
that  there  is  nothing  '  hierarchical  in  its  constitution  ;'$ 
and  if,  as  he  gives  reason  to  believe,  the  gradual  develop- 
ment of  the  principle  of  equality  is  now  the  law  of  provi- 
dence,^ we  may  confidently  hope  either  that  other  sys- 
tems must  conform  to  presbytery,  or  that  presbytery  will 
be  finally  triumphant. 


*  Milton's  Wks.  vol.  i.p.  143. 
t  Milton,  ibid. 


t  Vol.i.  p.  73. 
§   Ibid.  p.  4. 


94  ECCLESIASTICAL    RErUBLICANISM. 


SECTION     XI. 

Presbytery  eminently  repuhlicayi  in  having  originated  and 
secured  in  this  country  the  seiDaration  of  religion  from 
politics,  and  of  the  church  from  the  state. 

But  there  yet  remains  one  most  important  feature  in 
tiiis  wonderful  analogy.  The  separation  of  religion  from 
politics,  and  of  the  church  from  the  state,  are  essential  to 
the  true  development  of  both  ;  to  universal  tolerance  by 
the  state  of  all  rehgions  in  it,  and  of  all  religions  by  one 
another  ; —  and  therefore  to  all  civil  and  religious  liber- 
ty.^ Such,  as  we  have  seen,  was  the  original  appointment 
of  Christ,  and  such  are  the  existing  principles  on  which 
our  church  is  founded.!  It  was  to  the  controversies,  ori- 
ginated by  the  Puritans,  and  carried  on  by  those  who  ex- 
tended their  views,  we  owe  whatever  distinct  separation 
has  been  made  between  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  pow- 
ers. Previous  to  that  time  '  the  clergy  generally  claimed 
their  tithes  by  divine  right'  *  In  no  long  time  after,' 
says  bishop  Warburton,  in  his  '  Alliance,'  '  the  clergy, 
in  general,  gave  up  this  claim.'  '  And  I  think,'  says  he, 
'  the  priest's  dAvijie  right  to  a  tenth  part,  and  the  king's 
divine  right  to  the  other  nine,  went  out  of  fashion  togeth- 
er. And  thenceforward,  the  church  and  the  crown  agreed 
to  claim  their  temporal  rights  from  the  laws  of  the  land 
only.'$ 

Indeed,  all  the  eiTorts  to  attain  this  independence  can 
be  traced,  by  an  uninterrupted  chain,  to  the  first  reformers. 
'  Luther,'  says  Villers,s^  '  brought  the  Saxon  church,  in 
what  relates  to  its  internal  government,  to  the  democracy 
of  the  first  age,  and  the  hierarchy  to  a  moderate  system  of 

*  See  the  Church  Independent  of  the  Civil  Govt.,  and  Tocquev.  vol 
i.  pp.  339,  340. 
t   See  above,  p. 
I  Wks.  vol.  vii.  p.  225. 
§    On  the  Ref.p.  97. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  95 

subordination.  The  clmrclies  which  have  followed  Cal- 
vin, are  still  more  democratically  constituted.  But  the 
clergy  no  longer  form  a  civil  corporation  in  any  of  them. 
Some  public  marks  of  honor  and  deference,  are  the  only 
privileges  of  the  ministers ;  according  to  the  words  of  their 
masters,  they  give  unto  Csesar  that  which  is  Cajsar's,  by 
rendering  unto  God  that  which  they  owe  him.' 

The  independence  of  the  church,  and  its  entire  separa- 
tion from  the  civil  government,  was  clearly  perceived  and 
taught  by  Calvin,  though  the  age  was  not  prepared  to  act 
upon  it.  '  But  he,'  says  Calvin,*  '  who  knows  how  to  dis- 
tinguish between  the  body  and  the  soul,  between  this  pres- 
ent transitory  life,  and  the  future  eternal  one,  will  find 
no  difficulty  in  understanding,  that  the  spiritual  kingdom 
of  Christ,  and  civil  government,  are  things  very  difierent 
and  remote  from  each  other.  It  is  a  Jewish  folly,  there- 
fore, to  seek  and  include  the  kingdom  of  Christ  under  the 
elements  of  this  world.' 

What  Calvin  taught,  Calvinists  were  the  first  to  prac- 
tice. Look  at  our  standards,  as  they  have  been  al- 
ready brought  to  view.t  How  full,  how  forcible,  how 
earnest  are  they,  in  the  proclamation  of  this  great  truth. 
But  these  views,  it  may  be  said,  are  mere  hypocritical 
pretence.  On  the  contrary.  Dr.  Miller  has  well  said, 
•  presbyterians  in  this  country  w^ould  rather  be  persecu- 
ted by  the  state,  than  be  in  alliance  with  it.'  But  such 
sentiments,  it  may  be  alleged,  were  forced  upon  our  church 
by  the  revolution,  and  the  omnipotence  of  public  opinion. 
On  the  contrary,  they  Avere  embodied  in  our  standards  be- 
fore the  revolution,  as  the  free  and  unforced  sentiments  of 
American  presbyterians,  and  as  the  exponent  of  those 
principles,  which  nerved  their  arms,  when,  to  a  man,  they 
were  found  fighting  under  the  banner  of  independence. 

*    Instit.  B.  iv.  ch.  xx.  vol.  ii.  p.  5G1. 

t  See  Presbytery,  and  not  Prelacy,  B.  iii.  ch.  v.  and  vi.  and  Conf.  of 
Faith,  ch.  xxiii.  and  Form  of  Gov.  Prel.  Princ. 


96  ECCLESIASTICAL    KErUBLICANISM. 

But  after  all,  it  may  be  urged,  this  is  only  boasting,  and  it 
must  be  affirmed,  that  since,  by  our  constitution,  any  other 
principles  are  rendered  nugatory,  their  proclamation  by  the 
presbyterian  church  was  a  matter  of  necessity,  and  not  of 
choice.'  But  the  very  contrary  can  be  proved  to  be  the 
truth.  Presbyterians  forced  upon  the  state  the  doc- 
trine OF  the  entire  independence  between  CHRISTI- 
ANITY AND  THE  CIVIL  POWER.  PrESBYTERIANS  FIRST  FRO- 
CLAIMED  THIS  DOCTRINE  ON  THESE  AMERICAN  SHORES. 
PrESBYTERIANISM  was  opposed  by  EPISCOPACY,  IN  HER 
EFFORTS   TO  ESTABLISH  THIS  DOCTRINE,  IN  VIRGINIA.      AnD 

the  universal  establishment  of  this  doctrine 
throughout  these  united  states,  and  in  the  consti- 
tution, was  the  result  of  the  movement  made  by 
Presbyterians. =^ 

These  positions  can  all  be  sustained  by  evidence,  which 
is  as  unimpeachable  as  that  which  attests  the  progress  of 
the  revolution  itself;  and  although  the  whole  credit  of  this 
cause  has  been  given  to  Jeiferson,  it  can  be  shown,  that  as 
the  apostate  Julian  plumed  himself  with  feathers  stolen 
from  the  wing  of  Christianity,  so  did  this  modern  apostate 
pride  himself  in  doctrines  taught  him  by  that  very  sect, 
which  he  afterwards  '  hated,  with  a  perfect  hatred.' 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Lang,  of  New  South  Wales,  who  visited 
this  coimtry  a  few  years  since,  and  has  given  the  result  of 
his  observation  in  a  very  interesting  vohimc,!  examined 
into  this  subject,  and  has  published  all  the  original  docu- 
ments, as  procured  from  the  Library  of  the  State  House 
in  Richmond.  As  the  result  of  his  incpiiries,  he  states,  J  that 
instead  of  the  American  clergy  '  having  been  opposed  to 
the  voluntary  system,  as  they  arc  supposed  to  have  been, 


*  The  Prcshyterlnns  in  Trclnnd  opposed  all  establishments,  in  1787, 
See  the  bishop  of  Cloyne  on,  in  Lond.  Christ.  Obs.  for  1S3S,  p.  S07. 

t  Reli^iion  and  Education  in  America,  by  John  Dunmore  Lang, 
D.  D.  Lond.  1S40. 

}  p.  92. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  97 

the  fact  is,  that  the  original  introduction  of  the  vokintary 
system  was  wholly  and  solely  the  work  of  a  numerous  and 
influential  portion  of  the  American  clergy  themselves  ; 
and  so  far  from  the  separation  of  the  church  and  state 
having  been  carried  with  a  high  and  revolutionary  hand,. 
over  the  influence  and  opposition  of  the  sacerdotal  order, 
through  the  mere  political  manoBUvering  of  Mr.  Jefferson, 
the  fact  is,  that  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  in  which  that 
important  measure  was  originally  carried,  and  through 
whose  influence  and  example  it  was  subsequently  extend- 
ed gradually  over  the  whole  union,  was  itself  borne  into 
it  unwillingly,  by  the  clerical  pressure  from  without.  In 
short,  the  history  of  the  establishment  of  the  voluntary  sys- 
tem in  America,  affords  one  of  the  most  remarkable  in- 
stances of  enlightened  patriotism,  and  generous  self-deni- 
al, to  be  found  in  the  whole  history  of  the  church  of  Christ. 

•  The  first  body  of  clergy,'^  continues  Dr.  Lang,  '  of  any 
denomination  in  America,  that  openly  recognised  the  de- 
claration of  independence,  and  thereby  identified  them- 
selves with  the  cause  of  freedom  and  independence,  was 
the  presbyterian  clergy  of  Virginia.'  That  body,  which 
was  then  comparatively  numerous  and  influential,  consti- 
tuting the  large  presbytery  of  Hanover,  addressed  the  Vir- 
ginia House  of  Assembly  on  the  subject,  at  their  first  meet- 
ing after  the  declaration  ;  and  in  the  course  of  their  me- 
morial, after  urging  their  own  claim  for  entire  religious 
freedom,  recommended  the  establishment  of  the  volunta- 
ry system,  and  the  complete  separation  of  church  and  state 
in  Virginia  In  this  memorial  our  fathers  employ  the  fol- 
lowing language  :t 

'  In  this  enlightened  age,  and  in  a  land  where  all,  of  ev- 
ery denomination,  are  united  in  the  most  strenuous  efforts 
to  be  free,  we  hope  and  expect  that  our  representatives 

*  Religion  and  Education  in  America,  by  John  Dunmore  Lang,  D.  D. 
Lond.  1840,  p.  94. 
t  p.  96.     See  this  Memorial  given  in  ibid,  at  pp.  95  -  98. 
9 


98  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

will  cheerfully  concur  in  removing  every  species  of  reli- 
gious as  well  as  civil  bondage.  Certain  it  is,  that  ever\^ 
argument  for  civil  liberty  gains  additional  strength  when 
applied  to  liberty  in  the  concerns  of  religion  ;  and  there  is 
no  argument  in  favor  of  establishing  the  christian  religion, 
but  may  be  pleaded  with  equal  propriety,  for  establishing 
the  tenets  of  Mahommed,  by  those  who  believe  the  Alco- 
ran ;  or,  if  this  be  not  true,  it  is  at  least  impossible  for  the 
magistrate  to  adjudge  the  right  of  preference  among  the 
various  sects  that  profess  the  christian  faith,  without  erect- 
ing a  chain  of  infallibility,  which  would  lead  us  back  to  the 
church  of  Rome.' 

In  the  legislature,  however,  the  policy  of  a  general 
assessment  for  the  support  of  religion,  on  such  principles 
as  would  afford  that  support  equally  to  all  denominations, 
was  much  and  earnestly  discussed;  and  the  subject  was 
at  length  referred  by  the  general  assembly  to  the  people, 
for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  their  sentiments  in  regard 
to  it.  In  consequence  of  this  reference  a  memorial  was 
presented  to  the  assembly,  by  the  presbytery  of  Hanover, 
in  the  year  1777.  The  Rev.  Samuel  S.  Smith,  and  the 
Rev.  David  Rice,  were  the  committee  who  framed  it* 

Another  memorial,  equally  strong,  was  presented  by  this 
same  presbytery,  in  1784  ;t  expressing  the  uneasiness  of 
their  people,  and  in  which  they  said, '  the  security  of  our  re- 
ligious rights,  upon  equal  and  impartial  ground,  instead  of 
being  made  a  fundamental  part  of  our  constitution,  as  it 
ought  to  have  been,  is  left  to  the  precarious  fate  of  common 
law.  A  matter  of  general  and  essential  concern  to  the  peo- 
ple, is  now  committed  to  the  hazard  of  the  prevailing  opin- 
ion of  a  majority  of  the  assembly,  at  its  different  sessions. .  . 
We  are  willing  to  allow  a  full  share  of  credit  to  our  fellow- 
citizens,  however  distinguished  in  name  from  us,  for  their 

*  See  this  Memorial  given  in  ibid,  at  pp.  99-102. 
t  See  given  at  pp.  103-108. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  99 

spirited  exertions  in  onr  arduous  struggle  for  liberty;  we 
would  not  wish  to  charge  any  of  them,  either  ministers  or 
people,  with  open  disaffection  to  the  common  cause  of 
America,  or  with  crafty  dissimulation  or  indecision,  till 
the  issue  of  the  war  was  certain,  so  as  to  oppose  their  ob- 
taining equal  privileges  in  religion  ;  but  we  will  resolute- 
ly engage  against  any  monopoly  of  the  honors  and  re- 
wards of  government,  by  any  one  sect  of  christians,  more 
than  the  rest,  for  we  shun  not  a  comparison  with  any  of 
our  brethren,  for  our  efforts  in  the  cause  of  our  country, 
and  assisting  to  establish  her  liberties,  and  therefore  es- 
teem it  unreasonable  that  any  of  them  should  reap  superior 
advantages,  for  at  most  but  equal  merit.  We  expect  from 
the  representatives  of  a  free  people,  that  all  partiality  and 
prejudice,  on  any  account  whatever,  will  be  laid  aside,  and 
that  the  happiness  of  the  citizens  at  large  will  be  secured, 
upon  the  broad  basis  of  perfect  political  equality.  This 
will  engage  confidence  in  government,  and  unsuspicious 
affection  toward  our  fellow-citizens.' 

The  act,  however,  having  been  passed  by  the  legisla- 
ture, and  a  proposal  having  been  made  for  a  general  as- 
sessment, the  presbytery  again  memorialized  the  assem- 
bly, in  October,  1784.*  In  this  paper,  which  breathes  the 
very  spirit  of  liberty,  and  of  what  is  now  boasted  of  as 
American  freedom,  it  is,  among  other  things,  said,  '  we 
hope  no  attempt  will  be  made  to  point  out  articles  of  faith 
that  are  not  essential  to  the  peace  of  the  society ;  or  to  set- 
tle modes  of  worship  ;  or  to  interfere  in  the  internal  gov- 
ernment of  religious  communities,  or  to  render  the  minis- 
ters of  religion  independent  of  the  will  of  the  people, 
whom  they  serve.  We  expect  from  our  representatives, 
that  careful  attention  to  the  political  equahty  of  all  the  cit- 
izens, which  a  republic  ought  ever  to  cherish ;  and  that 
no  scheme  of  an  assessment  will  be  encouraged,  which 

*  See  the  Memorial,  in  ibid,  at  pp.  110  - 115. 


100  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

will  violate  the  happy  privilege  we  now  enjoy,  of  thinking 
for  ourselves,  in  all  cases  where  conscience  is  concerned. 

In  the  present  important  moment,  we  conceived  it 

criminal  to  he  silent ;  and  have,  therefore,  attempted  to 
discharge  a  duty  which  we  owe  to  oar  religion,  as  chris- 
tians; to  ourselves,  as  freemen;  and  to  our  posterity,  who 
ought  to  receive  from  us  a  precious  birthright  of  perfect 
freedom  and  political  equality.' 

A  bill  to  provide  for  the  support  of  religion,  on  the 
principle  of  such  an  assessment,  had  actually  been  read  a 
second  time,  and  was  engrossed  for  the  third  reading, 
when  the  memorial  was  presented.  In  consequence  of 
that  memorial,  however,  the  third  reading  of  the  bill  was 
postponed,  with  a  view  '  to  the  further  consideration  of 
the  measure.'  '  This,'  observes  Dr.  Rice,  '  gave  an  oppor- 
tunity for  such  an  expression  of  public  sentiment  as  com- 
pletely decided  the  matter.'  A  petition  to  the  legislature 
was  drawn  up  by  the  Rev.  John  B.  Smith,  the  writer  of 
the  preceding  memorial,  remonstrating  against  the  princi- 
ple of  an  assessment  for  the  support  of  religion,  and  solici- 
ting the  establishment  of  complete  religious  liberty,  and 
the  entire  separation  of  church  and  state.  This  petition 
was  signed  by  not  fewer  than  ten  thousand  Virginians  ; 
the  original  document  and  the  preceding  memorial,  being 
both  in  existence  still,  in  the  handwriting  of  Mr.  Smith, 
in  the  office  of  the  clerk  of  the  House  of  Delegates  of 
Virginia. 

A  convention  of  the  presbyterian  church  in  Virginia 
was  also  held,  at  which  time,  among  other  proceedings, 
another  memorial  was  adopted,  to  be  presented  to  the 
general  assembly,  or  house  of  delegates,  at  its  next  meet- 
ing. It  was  given  in  charge  for  that  purpose,  to  the 
Rev.  John  B.  Smith,  one  of  the  ablest  ministers  of  the 
American  presbyterian  church  at  the  time,  who  not  only 


ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM.  101 

presented  it  in  person,  but  was  heard  in  support  of  it,  for 
three  successive  days,  at  the  bar  of  the  house.* 

The  result  of  this  long-continued  agitation,  on  the  part 
of  the  presbyterian  clergy  of  Virginia,  was,  that  the  bill  for 
the  support  of  rehgion,  by  means  of  a  general  assessment, 
from  which  that  body  of  clergy  would  have  derived  pre- 
cisely the  same  pecuniary  advantages  as  their  episcopal 
brethren,  was  thrown  out  in  the  house  of  assembly,  af- 
ter it  had  passed  the  second  reading,  and  been  engrossed 
for  the  third.  And,  as  all  the  acts  of  the  British  parHament, 
as  well  as  all  the  enactments  of  the  old  colonial  legisla- 
ture, establishing  the  episcopal  church  in  Virginia  had,  in 
the  mean  time,  been  repealed,  the  voluntary  system  be- 
came, thenceforward,  the  law  of  the  land. 

At  the  period  in  question,  Virginia  was  the  leading 
state  of  the  south,  if  not  of  the  whole  Union.  Its  proceed- 
ings were  carefully  watched,  and  its  example  generally 
followed,  by  the  smaller  adjoining  states  of  Maryland  and 
Delaware  on  the  one  hand,  and  by  the  Carolinas  and 
Georgia  on  the  other.  When,  therefore,  the  new  sys- 
tem, of  leaving  religion  entirely  to  itself,  had  been  duly 
tested,  and  found  to  work  well  in  Virginia,  it  Avas  success-^ 
ively  adopted  by  each  of  these  states.  And  so  general 
had  the  feeling  in  favor  of  that  system  become,  almost 
immediately  after  its  introduction,  that  when  the  Federal 
government  was  constituted,  in  the  year  1789,  one  of  the 
fundamental  stipulations  of  its  constitution  was,  that  it 
should  never  have  the  power  to  erect  an  established 
church  in  the  United  States. 

'  I  have  already  observed,'  says  Dr.  Lang,  '  that  in  the 
little  Baptist  state  of  Rhode  Island,  as  well  as  in  the  Qua- 
ker colony  of  Pennsylvania,  there  had  been  no  church  es- 
tablishment from  the  first.  But  these  communities  had 
had  comparatively  no  influence  in  this  particular,  on  the 

*  See  given  in  ibid,  at  pp.  118  - 122. 
9* 


102  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

neighboring  states.  It  was  the  struggle  with  powerful  and 
opposing  influences,  for  the  establishment  of  a  great  moral 
principle  in  Virginia,  that  attracted  general  attention 
throughout  the  Union ;  it  was  the  successful  operation  of 
that  principle,  when  actually  established,  that  carried  con- 
viction, and  insured  its  universal  adoption.  It  was  long 
after  the  war  of  independence,  and  only  in  consequence 
of  a  series  of  hard  struggles  on  the  part  of  other  commun- 
ions, that  the  example  of  Virginia,  in  establishing  the  vol- 
untary system,  was  acted  upon  in  Massachusetts,  and  the 
old  congregational  establishment  of  that  state  entirely 
overthrown.  And  it  is  only  ten  years  ago,  or  in  the  year 
1830,  after  the  voluntary  system  had  been  in  operation  for 
half  a  century  in  Virginia,  and  in  most  of  the  other  states 
of  the  Union,  that  it  was  at  length  fully  established  in 
Massachusetts,  and  an  e^itire  separation  effected,  through- 
out the  Union,  between  church  and  state.'* 

It  is  a  fact  also  worthy  of  consideration,!  that  when  the 
assembly  which  framed  the  Cambridge  platform,  in  1660, 
adopted  the  "Westminster  Confession  of  Faith,  they  made 
no  exception  of  those  clauses  which  relate  to  the  power 
of  civil  magistrates  in  matters  of  religion,  while  they  did 
except  those  parts  '  which  have  respect  unto  church  gov- 
ernment and  discipline.'  Whereas,  our  synod,  in  adopting 
the  same  formula  in  1729,  made  no  objection  to  what  rela- 
ted to  church  government;  while  they  objected  to  what 
referred  to  the  power  of  civil  magistrates. 

Such  arc  the  facts  in  the  case  —  facts,  clear  and  indubi- 
table, as  any  other  facts  in  our  whole  history.  They  put 
to  silence  the  slanderous  imputations  of  our  foes.  They 
demonstrate  the  innate,  hearty,  and  resolute  republican- 
ism of  presbytery.  And  they  prove  beyond  contradiction, 
that  the  analogy  which  we  have  now  traced  between 

*  Bib.  Repertory,  July,  1840,  p.  334. 

t  Such  is  the  judgment  of  Dr.  Lang,  himself,  a  European.     Relig. 
in  America,  p.  308. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  103 

every  essential  principle  of  republicanism  and  the  princi- 
ples of  presbyterianism,  is  not  imaginary  or  fortuitous, 
but  founded  in  the  very  nature  of  things.^ 

To  conclude.  The  constitution  of  the  presbyterian 
church,  observes  the  late  Dr.  Rice,  of  Virginia,  '  is  funda- 
mentally and  decidedly  republican ;  and  it  is  in  a  very 
happy  measure  adapted  to  that  particular  modification  of 
republican  institutions,  which  prevails  in  the  United  States. 
This  is  too  plain  to  require  demonstration  ;  the  slightest  at- 
tention being  sufficient  to  convince  any  one  that  our  eccle- 
siastical constitution  establishes  in  the  church  a  represen- 
tative government.  Hence,  the  more  decidedly  a  man  is 
a  presbyterian,  the  more  decidedly  is  he  a  republican.  So 
much  is  this  the  case,  that  some  christians  of  this  society, 
fully  believing  that  presbytery  is  de  jure  divino,  consider 
this  as  decisive  evidence  that  republicanism  is  of  divine 
institution ;  and  are  persuaded  that  they  should  grievous- 
ly sin  against  God  by  acknowledging  any  other  form  of 
civil  government.! 

*  Dr.  Lang,  pp.  308,  309. 

t  Illustrations  of  the  Char,  and  Conduct  of  the  Presb.  Ch.  in  Va.  by- 
John  Holt  Rice,  D.  D. 


CHAPTER    III. 

THE    REPUBLICANISM    OF    PRESBYTERY    ATTESTED    BY 
HISTORY. 


SECTION     I. 

The  analogy  which  has  been  proved  to  exist,  between 
repubUcanism  and  presbytery,  may  be  fully  attested,  and 
therefore  strengthened,  by  an  appeal  to  history,  as  em- 
bodying the  opinions  of  men  in  different  ages,  concerning 
presbytery,  and  its  actual  working  as  a  system. 

For  the  first  three  hundred  years,  the  christian  church 
was  essentially  presbyterian,  and  as  certainly  republican 
in  its  form  of  government.  The  original  form  in  which 
Christianity  existed  in  Ireland  and  in  Scotland,  was,  as 
has  been  fully  established,  presbyterian.*  Nothing  could 
be  more  perfectly  analogous  in  all  fundamental  principles, 
than  the  system  of  the  ancient  Culdees — the  primitive 
christians  of  Ireland,  of  Scotland,  and  ultimately  of  Eng- 
land also — and  presbyterianism.  Now  among  the  charges 
made  against  the  Culdees,  by  their  inveterate  enemies, 
the  Romanists,  were  these,  '  their  exclusive  devotedness 
to  the  authority  of  scripture,  their  rejection  of  the  Romish 
ceremonies,  doctrines,  and  traditions,  the  nakedness  of 
their  forms  of  worship,  and  the  republican  character 

OF  THEIR  ecclesiastical  GOVERNMENT.'! 


*  See  the  proof  of  this,  in  the  author's  Presbytery  and  not  Prelacy 
the  Primitive  and  Scriptural  Polity.     B.  iii.  ch.  ii.  §8-10. 
t  Pictorial  Hist,  of  England,  vol.  i.  p.  245.     B.  ii.  ch.  ii. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  105 


SECTION     II. 

The  form  of  government  among  the  TValdcnses,  ivho  have 
always  been  thorough  presbyterians,^  icas  as  purely  repub- 
lican. 

We  have  also  noticed  the  existence,  during  succeeding 
centuries,  of  various  individuals  and  bodies,  who  advocated 
the  doctrines  of  presbytery,  and  w^ho  raised  their  loud  pro- 
test against  the  encroachments  of  spiritual  and  civil  des- 
potism. Among  these,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  was 
Arnold,  of  Brescia,  who,  in  the  twelfth  century,  stood  forth 
as  a  most  daring  opponent  of  clerical  ambition,  and  of  all 
oppression.  Arnold  commenced  his  stormy  career,  as  a 
preacher,  in  the  streets  of  Brescia.  The  kingdom  of  Christt 
he  ventured  to  describe  as  not  of  this  world ;  secular 
honors  and  possessions,  he  also  dared  to  maintain,  could 
justly  belong  only  to  the  laity.  On  the  total  relinquish- 
ment of  such  anti-christian  appendages,  by  every  grada- 
tion of  ecclesiastics,  he  loudly  insisted  as  being  the  claim 
of  the  gospel,  and  as  essential  to  their  salvation,  even  to 
that  of  their  accredited  head.  His  followers  at  length 
fixed  upon  the  desperate  resolve,  to  unfurl  the  standard 
of  revolt  in  the  very  city  of  Rome.  '  Familiar  alike,'  says 
Dr.  Vaughan,^:  *  with  the  civil  and  religious  history  of 
Rome,  Arnold  dwelt  with  a  commanding  eloquence  on 
the  exploits  of  the  Bruti,  the  Gracchi,  and  the  Scipio's, 
and  on  the  saintly  character  of  the  martyrs  who  had 
perished  in  the  cause  of  her  ancient  and  her  better  Chris- 
tianity. With  a  glow  of  patriotism,  and  we  must  presume 
of  piety  too,  he  urged  the  restoration  of  the  forgotten  laws 
of  the  republic,  and  required,  as  a  measure  strictly  essen- 
tial to  produce  a  return  of  the  purity  and  the  triumphs  of 

*  See  Presbytery  and  not  Prelacy,  &c.  as  above.     B.  iii.  ch.  iii.  §  5. 
t  Vaughan's  Life  of  Wickliffe,  vol.  i.  p.  139, 
\  Ibid,  p.  140, 


106  ECCLESIASTICAL    RErUBLICANISM. 

religion,  that  all  authority  in  the  pontiffs  and  the  clergy 
should  be  limited  to  the  spiritual  government  of  the 
christian  commonwealth.'  '  In  Rome,  for  nearly  ten 
years,  the  influence  of  the  monk  of  Brescia  presided,  while 
several  contemporary  pontiffs  trembled  within  its  Avails, 
sunk  beneath  the  cares  of  their  tottering  empire,  or  resorted 
as  exiles  to  the  adjacent  cities.  It  was  long,  however, 
since  the  voice  of  freedom  had  echoed  among  the  seven 
hills  ;  and  her  authority,  in  the  present  instance,  was  pre- 
carious, and  of  short  duration.'* 

Pope  Adrian  accused  Arnold  to  the  emperor,  when  he 
labored  to  show  that  the  heresy  of  Arnold  was  not  less 
hostile  to  political,  than  to  ecclesiastical  government.  It 
is  unnecessary  to  add,  that  he  was  soon  commended  to 
the  tender  mercies  of  the  fagot,  having  perished  at  the 
stake  in  1155.  His  influence,  however,  did  not  die  with 
him.  For,  being  driven  in  his  exile  to  Zurich,  he  is  pre- 
sumed to  have  left  the  seeds  of  his  doctrine  to  vegetate 
there,  until,  in  the  age  of  Zuinglius,  it  sprung  up  in  the 
harvest  of  the  reformation. 

Wickliffe  was,  we  have  seen,t  the  reviver  of  presby- 
terian  principles  in  England  ;  —  and  was  he  not,  also,  the 
great  champion  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  ?  '  In  English 
history,!  Wickliffe  is  known  as  the  first  man  who  dared  to 
advocate  the  free  circulation  of  the  scriptures  in  the  ver- 
nacular tongue,  the  unalienable  right  of  private  judgment, 
and  our  complete  deliverance  from  the  wiles  and  oppres- 
sions of  a  papal  priesthood.'  '  And  to  his  mind  nearly 
every  principle  of  our  general  protestantism  may  be  dis- 
tinctly traced.'  This  will  be  manifest  to  any  one  who 
will  investigate  the  doctrines  of  Wickliffe,  respecting  the 
pope's  temporal  power ;  the  secular  exemptions  of  the 
clergy  ;  the  limits  to  the  authority  of  the  magistrate  ;  the 

*  Vaughan's  Life  of  Wickliffe,  vol.  i.  p.  140. 

t  Presbytery  and  not  Prelacy  the  Script,  and  Primit.  Polity.    B.  iii. 

f  Vaughan,  ibid,  p.  8. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  107 

customs  of  patronage ;  tithes  and  ecclesiastical  endow- 
ments ;  and  other  similar  matters.*  The  Lollards,  who 
were  the  followers  of  Wickliffe,  adopted  his  principles, 
and  by  their  opposition  to  the  usurpations  and  tyranny  of 
both  church  and  state,  paved  the  way  for  the  English 
reformation  ;  and  for  the  present  liberties  of  the  English 
nation. 

The  principles  of  Wickhffe  were  also  adopted!  by 
Huss,  who  undauntedly  declaimed  against  the  clergy,  the 
cardinals,  the  pope  himself,  and  against  all  despotism, 
whether  in  church  or  state.  He  therefore  taught,$  that  a 
*  prelate  is  no  prelate,  while  he  is  in  mortal  sin  ;  that  a 
bishop  is  no  bishop,  while  he  is  in  mortal  sin ;  and  that  if 
temporal  lords  do  wrongs  and  extortions  to  the  people, 
they  ben  traytors  to  God  and  his  people,  and  tyrants  of 
antichrist.'  And  Huss  corroborated  this  opinion,  by  show- 
ing that  it  was  held  by  St.  Austin.  For  these  labors, 
Wickliffe,  Huss,  and  Jerome,  of  Prague,  have  been  im- 
mortahzed  by  Dryden.  Of  '  this  great  triumvirate,'  he 
gives,  as  their  common  characteristic,  an  '  innate  antipathy 
to  kings. ''J  It  thus  appears,  that  as  the  love  of  liberty  has 
been  ever  considered  the  peculiarity  of  the  Teutonic  race, I! 
so  has  this  spirit  mifolded  itself  in  a  uniform  resistance  to 
spiritual  as  well  as  civil  despotism. 


*  See  Vaughan's  Life,  vol.  ii.  ch.  viii.  p.  226,  &c. 
t  See  Prelacy  and  not  Presbytery,  &c.  as  above.  B. 
jMiddleton's  Evang.  Biog.  vol.  i.  p.  3G. 
§  Poet.  Works,  (Hind  &  l^anther,)  vol.  ii.  p.  24, 
II  Mackintosh's  Hist,  of  Eng.  vol.  i.  p.  10, 


111. 


108  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 


SECTION     III. 

The  republicayiism  of  'presbytery  fully  clevelojjcd  by  the 
reformation. 

The  reformation  was  an  outburst  of  liberty  against  the 
priestcraft  of  Rome,  and  the  civil  bondage  it  had  engen- 
dered.* It  was  a  general  emancipation  of  the  human 
mind.  The  lightning  spirit  of  liberty,  which  had  been 
pent  up  for  ages,  now  rent  the  heavens,  renewed  the  face 
of  society,  and  restored  vitality  to  every  department  of 
human  knowledge.  It  shook,  as  has  been  said,  the  seven 
hills ;  it  broke  the  yoke  of  antichrist ;  it  shivered  the 
sword  of  the  oppressor ;  it  smote  the  shrine  of  supersti- 
tion ;  it  rent  the  garments  from  the  shoulders  of  the  Roman 
harlot ;  it  awoke  the  consciences  of  men  ;  it  fixed  a  proper 
value  upon  man's  soul ;  it  enhghtened  Europe  ;  it  made 
error  and  ignorance  a  scandal  and  a  curse. t  It  unclasped 
the  long-closed  volume  of  divine  inspiration.  It  thus  put 
into  every  man's  hand  the  standard  of  truth,  and  the 
touchstone  of  error.  It  made  men  once  more  hear  the 
voice  of  God,  and  learn  his  truth  directly  from  his  own 
lips ;  not  distorted,  transmuted,  concealed,  falsified,  by 
popes,  priests,  breviaries,  or  missals  ;  nor  wrapped  up  in  a 
foreign  tongue,  as  if  to  muffle  or  silence  the  voice  of 
heaven  ! '  It  set  free  the  fettered  ministry  which  Christ 
had  ordained  in  his  church.     It  unloosed  their  bonds  ;  and 

*  Speaking  of  Luther's  appearance  in  the  Hall  of  the  Diet  at  Worms, 
Carlyle  (Lect.  on  Heroes,  p.  218,  Eng.  ed.)  says,'  The  people  on  the 
morrow,  as  he  went  up  to  the  hall  of  the  diet,  crowded  the  windows 
and  housetops,  some  of  them  calling  out  to  him,  in  solemn  words,  not 
to  recant.  '  Whosoever  denieth  me  before  men  ! '  they  cried  to  him, — 
as  in  a  kind  of  solemn  petition  and  adjuration.  Was  it  not  in  reality, 
our  petition  too,  the  petition  of  the  whole  world,  lying  in  dark  bondage 
of  soul,  paralysed  under  a  black  spectral  night-mare,  and  tripple-hatted 
chimera,  calling  itself  Father  in  God,  and  what  not.'  'Free  us;  it 
rests  with  thee  ;  desert  us  not ! '     '  Luther  did  not  desert  us.' 

t  See  Presb.  Rev.  1842,  p.  33,  and  Brooke's  Hist,  of  Rel.  Lib.  vol.  i. 
pp.  208,  210,  211. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  109 

while  stripping  them  of  their  idle  trappings,  and  degra- 
ding them  from  the  false  exaltation  which  they  had  occu- 
pied, it  elevated  them  to  their  true  dignity  and  office,  as 
ambassadors  for  Christ,  and  heralds  of  the  great  salvation. 
It  taught  men  to  disown  them  as  priests,  sacrificers,  incense- 
burners,  forgivers  of  sins,  mediators  ;  but  it  called  on  men 
to  listen  with  most  earnest  and  reverent  heed  to  them,  as 
witnesses  of  the  one  glorious  high  priest — proclaimers 
of  the  one  perfect  sacrifice.'  It  has  also  restored  man's 
true  responsibility  to  God,  and  with  it  man's  true  dignity 
and  worth,  both  in  his  own  eyes,  and  in  the  eyes  of  his 
fellow-men.  The  object  of  popery  was,  to  supplant  per- 
sonal, by  clerical  or  rather  ecclesiastical  responsibility, 
and  thereby  it  exalted  itself,  and  its  priests,  to  a  superhu- 
man lordship  over  men's  souls,  and  drew  to  itself  a  power, 
which  it  wielded,  with  merciless  cruelty,  over  its  blinded 
votaries,  thus  brought  within  its  grasp,  and  laid  entirely  at 
its  mercy. 

The  gospel  was  thus  brought,  in  all  its  original  sim- 
plicity and  glorious  liberty,  into  contact  with  the  minds 
and  hearts  of  men.  But  '  Christianity,'  to  use  the  words 
of  Warburton,=^  '  naturally  inspires  the  love,  both  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty  ;  it  raises  the  desire  of  being  governed 
by  laws  of  our  own  making,  and  by  the  conscience  which 
is  of  God's  own  giving.  Either  the  foul  spirit  of  tyranny 
will  defile  the  purity  of  religion,  and  introduce  the  blind 
submission  of  the  understanding,  and  slavish  compliance 
of  the  will  in  the  church  ;  or  else  the  spirit  of  the  Lord 
will  overturn  the  usurpation  of  an  unjust,  despotic  power, 
and  bring  into  the  state,  as  well  as  the  church,  a  free  and 
reasonable  service.' 

So  it  was  at  the  era  of  the  reformation.  Civil  and 
ecclesiastical  tyranny  were  so  united  in  their  principles 
and  administration,  that  when  the  mind  was  emancipated 

*  In  Brooks's  Hist,  of  Relig.  Lib.  vol.  i.  p.  ISl. 
10 


110  ECCLESIASTICAL    nETUCLICANIS  M. 

from  the  bondage  of  the  latter,  it  was  at  the  same  time 
prepared  to  resist  the  former,  and  to  reject,  as  absard,  the 
long-established  doctrines,  of  the  divine  right  of  kings  to 
rule  independently  of  their  people,  and  of  passive  obe^ 
dience  and  non-resistance  to  their  will.  The  civil  powers 
had  become  completely  subjugated  to  the  ecclesiastical. 
'  Moreover,'  says  Luther,  '  the  pope  and  clergy  were  all 
in  all,  over  all  and  every  tiling,  like  God  himself  in  the 
world  ;  and  the  civil  authoiity  was  in  darkness,  oppressed, 
aiid  misunderstood.'  When,  therefore,  the  people,  to 
whom  the  reformers  every  where  appealed,  were  led  to 
investigate  the  grounds  of  this  ecclesiastical  tyranny,  they 
were  also  led  to  inquire  into  the  first  authority  by  which 
kings  were  made.  They  were  thus  necessarily  brought 
to  see  the  true  rights  of  the  people,  and  the  dependence 
of  all  magistrates  upon  their  sovereign  authority,  and  the 
power  delegated  by  them.*  And  it  is,  in  fact,  to  the  reli- 
gious spirit  excited  during  the  sixteenth  centur}^  which 
spread  rnpidly  through  Europe,  and  difllised  itself  among 
all  classes  of  men,  that  we  are  chiefly  indebted  for  the 
propagation  of  the  genuine  principles  of  rational  liberty, 
and  the  consequent  amelioration  of  government.  In 
effecting  that  memorable  revolution,  by  their  instructions 
and  exhortations,  the  teachers  of  protestant  doctrine  roused 
the  people  to  consider  their  rights,  and  exert  their  power; 
ihey  stimulated  timid  and  wary  politicians  ;  they  encour- 
aged and  animated  princes,  nobles,  and  confederated 
states,  with  their  armies,  against  the  most  formidable 
opposition,  and  under  the  most  overwhelming  difficulties, 
until  their  exertions  were  ultimately  crowned  with 
success.! 

Ro^^lty,  wherever  it  existed,  stood  in  the  way  of  the 
reformation  of  the  church,  and  hence  the  blows  aimed  at 


*  See  Villers  on  Ref.  pp.  108,  109,  1 10,  1S3. 
t  McCrie's  Life  of  Knox,  vol.  i.  pp.  301,  302. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    RErUBLICANISM.  IH 

the  abuses  of  the  church,  necessarily  passed  through  the 
sides  of  regal  power,  and  led  men  to  seek  that  form 
of  government,  by  which  such  obstructions  to  civil  and 
religious  liberty  would  be  removed.*  Hence  those  works 
to  which  it  gave  birth,  and  which  are,  to  this  day,  the  text- 
books of  freedom.!  Hence,  also,  those  secret  societies, 
which  were  every  where  established,  and  of  which  '  the 
principles  of  equality  and  fraternity  between  the  mem- 
bers,' were  essential  elements.^ 

Those  states,  therefore,  which  possessed  a  repubhcan 
form  of  government,  were  the  first  to  raise  the  standard 
of  revolt;  the  most  bold  in  challenging  the  authority  of 
the  papacy ;  and  the  least  corrupted  by  its  superstitious 
rites  and  ceremonies.^  The  Swiss  republics  first  came 
forward,  by  their  patriotic  devotion,  to  teach  men  their 


*  It  has  been  a  standing:  subject  of  railinsf  accusation  against  the 
reformers,  that  they  abetted  the  doctrine  of  defensive  arms,  &c.  See 
authorities  in  Jameson's  Cyp.  Isot.  pp.  211,  212. 

t'  Luther,' says  Villers,  (on  the  Reformation,  p.  220,  &c.)  'wrote  his 
Treatise  of  the  Civil  Magistrate,  his  Appeal  to  the  German  Nobility, 
&c.  Melancthon,  Zuingle,  John  Stourm,  and  other  reformers,  discus- 
sed similar  subjects,  and  brought  them  within  the  reach  of  the  less 
informed.  Buchanan  published  his  famous  and  bold  libel,  De  Jure  Regni, 
in  Scotland  ;  while  on  the  continent,  Hubert  Languet  wrote  his  Yin- 
dicice  contra  tyrannos,  and  Elienne  de  la  Boeti,  his  Discours  sur  la 
servitude  volontaire.  Milton,  who  labored  to  defend  the  long  parlia- 
ment of  England,  and  to  justify  tbe  punishment  of  Charles  1,  to  the 
human  race  ;  composed  several  political  books,  which  breathed  the 
most  ardent  republicanism,  and  among  others,  his  Defence  of  the  People 
of  England^  against  Lanmaise.'' 

'  It  was  reserved  for  the  immortal  Grotius,  to  carry  light  into  the 
midst  of  darkness,  to  class  and  arrange  the  principles,  and  to  offer  to 
Europe  the  first  book  in  which  the  rights  and  duties  of  men  in  society 
were  laid  down  with  energy,  precision,  and  wisdom.' 

'  After  Grotius,  I  shall  speak  of  his  rival  Si'h/c7i,  of  his  commentator 
BiEclcr,  of  Puffendorf  wiio  published  a  Lnw  of  Nature,  superior,  per- 
haps, to  the  Law  of  Feare,  of  Barbei/rar,  the  able  translator,  and  ^ris- 
tarihus,  of  these  two  works.  Hobbes,  however,  in  England,  supporting 
another  system,  was  not  less  useful  to  the  science,  both  by  the  truths 
which  he  published,  and  by  the  refutations  which  he  provoked  against 
him.  Jllgirnon  Sydney  followed  the  opposite  principles  to  those  of 
Hobbes,  in  his  D-eatise  on  Government,  and  died  a  martyr  to  his  attach' 
ment  to  the  cause  of  the  people.' 

J  Villers  on  the  Ref  p.  204, 

§  Ibid,  p.  46, 


112  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM, 

rights,  and  to  enconrage  modern  Europe  to  believe  what 
is  related  of  the  courage  of  the  Spartans  at  Thermopylae, 
and  of  their  virtues  in  Laconia.*  It  may  also  be  affirmed, 
that  the  spirit  of  the  reformationt  led  to  the  establishment 
of  the  republican  form  of  government,  in  countries  where 
it  had  never  before  existed,  and  that  to  it,  as  the  remote 
cause,  is  the  American  revolution  to  be  itself  attributed. t 
'  The  most  accurate  observers,'  says  Villers,'J'have  noticed, 
that  nature  has  particularly  fitted  the  people  of  the  north 
to  be  republicans  ;  and  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  several 
of  those  who  have  embraced  the  reformation,  have  always 
been  actuated  by  this  spirit,  as,  for  example,  the  Saxons, 
the  Swiss,  the  Dutch,  and  the  English ;  it  may  even  be 
said,  that  the  reformation  itself  was  only  a  positive  appli- 
cation of  it.  This  shock,  in  its  turn,  awakened  all  the 
energy,  and  the  accessory  ideas  of  it.  The  will  to  be 
free,  in  matters  of  conscience,  is  at  the  bottom  the  same 
as  the  will  to  be  free  in  civil  matters.  Now  this  will  can 
accomplish  all  that  is  required ;  so  there  are  no  slaves, 
but  those  who  wish  to  be  so,  or  who  have  not  the  strength 
of  will  to  put  an  end  to  it.  The  energy  of  men's  minds 
at  length  constitutes  true  liberty,  as  their  effeminacy 
makes  tyranny  necessary.  The  calm  and  sober  sentiment 
of  the  high  dignity  of  man,  is  the  only  solid  foundation  of 
true  republicanism  ;  it  is  by  it  alone,  that  equality  of  rights, 
and  reciprocity  of  duties,  are  established.  Christianity, 
in  the  purity  of  its  essence,  inspires  this  sentiment,  for 
which  reason,  it  is  very  common  and  general,  in  the  evan- 
gelical countries.' 

*  Villersonthe  Reformation,  p.  42. 

t'Now  the  protestant  reformation,'  sriys  Bancroft,  (Hist,  of  United 
States,  vol.  ii.  p.  4-5G,  et  seq.  and  p.  459,)  '  considered  in  its  largest  influ- 
ence on  politics,  was  the  common  people  awakening  to  freedom  of 
mind.'  Not  unimportant  in  this  bearing,  is  the  testimony  of  Gibbon, 
who  says,  (Decl.  and  Fall,  vol.  ii.  p.  332,  note,  8vo  ed  )  'after  we  have 
passed  the  difficulties  of  the  first  century,  we  find  the  episcopal  gov- 
ernment universally  established,  till  it  was  interrupted  by  the  repub- 
lican genius  of  the  Swiss  and  German  reformer*;.' 

t  See  ib:d.  p.  113,  and  Carlyle's  Lect.  on  Heroes,  p,  219,  Eng.  ed. 

\  Ibid,  p.  lOG. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  113 

Thus  it  was  in  the  low  countries.  At  the  time  of  the 
reformation,  they  were  subject  to  Spain.  But  the  spirit 
of  the  reformation  had  introduced  its  ally,  the  spirit  of 
liberty,  among  them.  The  United  Provifrces  threw  off  the 
yoke  of  Philip  II,  with  courage ;  and  founded,  in  their 
morasses,  a  confederation  very  nearly  resembling  that 
which  had  been  formed  on  the  mountains  of  Helvetia.* 

Still  more  wonderful  was  the  republican  influence  of 
the  reformation,  as  exhibited  in  Geneva.  Geneva,  as 
has  been  said,  was  little  known  before  the  reformation  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  Subjected  alternately  by  bishops 
and  counts,  who  disputed  the  dominion;  divided  into 
parties,  according  to  the  passions  and  interests  of  the 
moment,  this  city  exerted  no  influence  abroad.  To  pro- 
testantism, and  to  Calvin,  she  owes  her  celebrity  and 
greatness.  Calvin  was  not  only  a  theologian  of  the  first 
order;  he  was  also  a  politician  of  astonishing  sagacity, 
and  Montesquieu  had  reason  to  say,  that  Geneva  ought 
to  celebrate,  with  gratitude,  the  day  when  Calvin  came 
within  her  walls.!  Morals  then  became  pure ;  the  laws 
of  the  state  underwent  a  thorough  change,  and  the 
organization  of  the  church  was  based  upon  the  soundest 
principles.  Geneva  received  the  reformed  doctrines  from 
Zuingle.  Now  while  Luther  had  restored  to  the  people 
their  Bible,  Zuingle  restored  to  them  their  rights.  Its 
popular  aspect  was  the  characteristic  of  the  reformation  in 
Switzerland.  And  hence  the  very  first  fruit  of  the  reform, 
as  thus  given  to  Geneva,  was  its  liberty.?      It  expelled 

*Villers,  p.  71,  and  more  fully  at  p.  136,  &c.  The  present  republi- 
can constitution  of  Hamburgh,  and  the  other  free  cities  of  Europe, 
originated  in  the  principles  of  the  Reformation.  Baird's  Visit  to 
Northern  Europe,  vol.  i.  p.  82-03. 

t-D'Aubigne's  Hist  of  the  Ref  vol  iii.  p.  820,  'The  maintenance 
of  sound  doctrine  was  intrusted  to  the  people,  and  recent  events  have 
shown,  that  the  people  can  discharge  the  trust,  better  than  priests  or 
pontiffs.' 

|Villers  on  the  Ref  p.  lo.T,  'The  era  of  its  reformation,  was  that 
also  of  the  establishment  of  its  liberty.'  Scott's  Contin.  of  Milner, 
vol,  iii.  p.  25G, 

10* 


114         ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM. 

its  prince  bishop,  and  afterwards  governed  itself  for 
almost  three  centuries.*  When  the  duke  of  Savoy 
required  them  to  take  back  their  bishop,  and  restore 
popery ;  the  couiteil  replied,  '  that  they  were  resolved  to 
sacrifice  their  property,  their  distinctions,  their  very  chil- 
dren, and  their  own  lives,  for  the  word  of  God  ;  and  that 
they  would  rather,  with  their  own  hands,  set  fire  to  the 
four  corners  of  the  city,  than  part  with  so  precious  and 
sacred  a  treasure  for  themselves,  and  their  families.'! 

Now  for  the  cultivation  of  this  spirit,  the  Genevans  were 
indebted  to  Calvin,  who  entirely  concurred  with  Zuingle  in 
placing  power  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  in  his  love 
for  republicanism.  Calvin  openly  avowed  his  republi- 
can views.  *  Indeed,'  says  he,-t  '  if  these  three  forms  of 
government,  wiiich  are  stated  by  philosophers,  be  con- 
sidered in  themselves,  I  shall  by  no  means  deny,  that 
either  aristocracy,  or  a  mixture  of  aristocracy  and  democ- 
racy, far  excels  all  others  ;  and  that,  indeed,  not  of  itself, 
but  because  it  very  rarely  happens,  that  kings  regulate 
themselves,  so  that  their  will  is  never  at  variance  with 
justice  and  rectitude ;  or  in  the  next  place,  that  they  are 
endued  with  such  penetration  and  prudence,  as  in  all 
cases  to  discover  what  is  best.  The  vice  or  imperfec- 
tion of  men,  therefore,  renders  it  safer,  and  more  tolerable, 
for  the  government  to  be  in  the  hands  of  many,  that  they 
may  aiTord  each  other  mutual  assistance,  and  admoni- 
tion, and  that  if  any  one  arrogate  to  himself  more  than  is 
right,   the    many    may  act  as    censors,   and   masters,  to 

*■  The  effects  of  Calvin's  republicanism  '  after  the  lapse  of  ages,  are 
still  visible  in  the  industry  and  intellectual  tone  of  Geneva.'  'The 
eiTects  of  the  reformation,'  continues  the  author  of  History  of  Swit- 
zerland, Lond.  1S32,  p.  227. '  made  themselves  manifest  in  all  the  re- 
lations of  public  and  private  life;  general  attention  was  directed  to 
the  internal  wants  and  welfare  of  the  country ;  and  the  rising  genera- 
tion acquired  a  taste  for  the  arts  of  peace,  and  for  the  sciences,  by 
which  the  mind  is  most  enlarged  and  elevated.  The  study  of  the  an- 
cients, and  of  history,  had  been  revived  by  theological  inquirers.' 

t  Scott's  Codiin.  of  Milner,  vol.  iii.  p.  2Ss. 

I  Instit.  B.  iv.  c.  20,  §  8,  vol.  ii.  pp.  5GG,  5G7. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  115 

restrain  his  ambition.  This  has  always  been  proved  by 
experience,  and  the  Lord  confirmed  it  by  his  authority, 
when  he  established  a  government  of  this  kind  among 
the  people  of  Israel,  with  a  view  to  preserve  them  in  the 
most  desirable  condition,  till  he  exhibited,  in  David,  a  type 
of  Christ.  And  as  I  readily  acknowledge,  that  no  kind 
of  government  is  more  happy  than  this,  where  liberty  is 
regulated  with  becoming  moderation,  and  properly  estab- 
lished on  a  durable  basis,  so  also  I  consider  those  as  the 
most  happy  people,  who  are  permitted  to  enjoy  such  a 
condition  ;  and  if  they  exert  their  streniions  and  constant 
efforts  for  its  preservation,  I  admit,  that  they  act  in  per- 
fect consistence  with  their  duty.' 

'  Calvin,'  says  bishop  Horsley,"^  '  Avas  unquestionably,  in 
theory,  a  republican  ;  he  freely  declares  his  opinion,  that 
the  republican  form,  or  an  aristocracy  reduced  nearly  to 
the  level  of  a  republic,  was  of  all  the  best  calculated, 
in  general,  to  answer  the  ends  of  government.  So  wed- 
ded indeed,  was  he  to  this  notion,  that,  in  disregard  of  an 
apostolic  institution,  and  the  example  of  the  primitive 
ages,  he  endeavored  to  fashion  the  government  of  all  the 
protestant  churches  upon  republican  principles  ;  and  his 
persevering  zeal  in  that  attempt,  though  in  this  country, 
through  the  mercy  of  God  it  failed,  Avas  followed,  upon 
the  whole,  witli  a  wide  and  mischievous  success.  But  in 
civil  politics,  though  a  republican  in  theory,  he  was  no 
leveller.' 

The  influence  of  this  small  Genevan  democracy, 
replete  with  knowledge,  patriotism,  and  activity,  particu- 
larly on  France,  England,  and  '  Russia  was,'  says  Mr. 
Villers, '  incalculable.'!  It  was  to  Geneva,  that  all  the  pro- 
scribed exiles,  who  were  driven  from   England  by  the 

*  Sermons,  p.  -5.53,  App.  to  Sermon  44. 

t  Villers  on  the  Ref.  pp.  123,  134.  Sir  Egerton  Brydges,  in  his  life 
of  Milton,  p.  78,  says,  '  they  were  nor  content  with  forming  a  republi- 
can government  for  their  own  petty  canton,  but  struggled  to  turn  all 
the  great  monarchies  into  republics." 


116  ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM. 

intolerance  of  Mary,  '  came  to  get  intoxicated  with  repub- 
licanism,' and  from  this  focns  they  brought  back  with 
them,  on  their  return  from  exile,  those  principles  of 
republicanism,  which  annoyed  Elizabeth,  perplexed  and 
resisted  James,  and  brought  Charles  to  the  deserved 
death  of  a  traitor.* 

Ko  small  part  of  the  enmity  of  many  European  mon- 
archs  to  the  reformation,  originated  in  their  fear  of  its  re- 
publican tendencies.  There  existed  on  the  continent  of 
Europe  a  general  suspicion,  that  protestantism  w^as 
hostile  to  the  existing  forms  of  civil  government,  which 
seemed  to  derive  confirmation  from  the  events  which  took 
place  in  Scotland,  Bohemia,  the  Netherlands,  and  Eng- 
land, successively.  This  suspicion,  the  popes  industri- 
ously fostered,  and  made  abundant  use  of  it  in  France, 
Bavaria,  and  Austria,  where  the  civil  power  cooperated 
with  them,  influenced,  as  Ptanke  considers,  by  a  feeling 
that  its  own  security  was  endangered  by  tlic  principles 
of  the  reformation.  *  It  is  asserted,'  says  M.  Villers,t 
'  that,  at  first,  Francis  I,  appeared  very  favorable  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  reformers  of  the  church.  His  beloved 
sister,  Margaret,  queen  of  Navarre,  protected  it  publicly. 
At  that  instant,  the  fate  of  the  kingdom  depended  on  the 
party  which  he  should  embrace.  If  he  had  adopted  the 
reform,  all  France  would  have  followed  his  example  ;  the 
fate  of  protestantism  in  Europe  would  have  been  sooner 
decided  ;  the  civil  wars  in  France  would  doubtless  not 
have  taken  place,  nor  would  the  revolution  of  the 
cighteentli  century.  Every  thing  assumed  a  contrary 
aspect,  because  the  prince  conceived  lively  apprehen- 
sions of  the  political  consequences  of  the  reform.ation. 
Brantome  relates,  that  one  day,  in  a  conversation  on  this 
subject,  the  king  accidentally  said,  '  that  this  novelty 
tended  principally  to   the  overthrow  of  monarhcy,  both 

^  See  Villevs  on  the  Ref.  and  Taylor's  Hist.  Bio^.  of  the  age  of  Eliza- 
betli,  vol.  ii.  p.  13. 

troid,  pp.  112,  113,  and  179. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  117 

human  and  divine.'  Thus  it,  was,  that,  as  it  developed 
itself,  the  reformation  armed  the  French  monarchy  against 
it.  As  it  spread  over  the  provinces  of  the  south,  it  afforded 
a  new  principle  for  the  basis  of  liberty,  and  it  was  joined 
speedil}^  by  malcontent  nobles.  In  fact,  in  France,  the 
Hui:,uenot  l)ody  soon  made  pretensions  equivalent  to  a 
partition  of  the  monarchy,  and  the  contest  was  purely  a 
civil  one.  As  for  orthodoxy,  the  French  court  seems 
never  to  have  cared  many  straws  about  it. 

It  cannot  be  doubted,  that  the  sovereigns  w^ere  made 
thoughtful  at  an  early  period,  by  the  democratic  tendency 
of  institutions,  which  vested  the  government  of  churches 
in  the  body  of  christians.  Early  popular  commotions  in 
Germany,  must  have  forced  this  on  their  attention.  The 
emperor  Charles  was  moved,  through  almost  his  whole 
life,  by  mere  reasons  of  temporary  policy.  In  the  open- 
ing of  his  reign,  he  apprehended  Avar  with  Francis  I,  of 
France  ;  hence  he  tried  to  gain  over  the  pope,  by  pre- 
tending to  call  Luther  to  account.  Afterwards,  when 
war  had  broken  out  between  him  and  Clement  VII,  it  is 
not  wonderful  that  an  emperor  who  could  keep  the  pope 
prisoner,  and  order  prayers  to  be  publicly  offered  for  his 
deliverance,  should  connive  at  the  spread  of  the  reformed 
principles.  But  when  Charles  found  his  reputation  in 
all  Europe  to  be  endangered  by  his  hypocritical  profane- 
ness,  and  it  seemed  to  be  his  interest  to  conciliate  the 
pope;  then  he  assumed  a  show  of  orthodoxy,  and  de- 
clared his  determination  to  suppress  the  new  opinions. 
His  haughty  behaviour  towards  independent  princes, 
(for  such  the  German  electors  were,)  led  to  the  cele- 
brated league  of  Smalkalde,  in  which  those  princes 
guaranteed  to  defend  their  honor,  station,  and  liberty  of 
conscience,  against  his  unconstitutional  and  unjust  en- 
croachments. But  this  ivas  the  crisis  ivhich  decided  the 
house  of  Austria,  for  ever  after,  to  become  the  inveterate  foes 


118  ECCLESIASTICAL      REPUBLICANISM. 

of  ivotestantism.  The  league  proved  so  powerful  as  to 
frighten  and  humble  the  emperor ;  who  could  then  be 
satisfied  with  nothing,  but  to  trample  out  every  spark  of 
the  religion  which  had  originated  this  formidable  union  * 
Now  to  this  confederation,  we  owe  our  j^resent  civil  and 
religious  liberties.  If,  as  has  been  strikingly  remarked, 
Germany  had  been  a  monarchy,  strictly  so  called,  the 
arbitrary  will  of  the  sovereign  might  have  crushed  the 
reformation.  On  the  other  hand,  had  it  been  a  democ- 
racy, the  cause  would  have  been  equally  destroyed  by 
the  precipitation  of  the  people.  But  inasmuch  as  it  was 
a  republican  confederation,  the  cause  of  the  reformation 
was  equally  protected  against  the  hindrances  of  power, 
and  the  anarchy  of  a  democratic  populace. t 

And  hence,  as  the  Roman  catholic  party  every  where 
fought  for  the  royal  authority  against  rebellious  subjects, 
and  the  protestants  fought  in  support  of  these  same 
rebels,  and  for  the  foundation  of  a  republic,  it  has  been 
since  received  as  an  avowed  and  fundamental  maxim  of 
state,  that  Catholicism  is  the  best  support  of  absolute 
power,  while  protestantism  favored  rebellion  and  a  re- 
publican spirit.  Nor  is  this  maxim  even  at  the  present 
day  relinquished  by  many  statesmen.' 

The  spirit  of  the  reformation  had  found  its  way,  by 
some  secret  and  mysterious  process,  to  Scotland,  and 
enkindled  a  flame  of  liberty  in  the  enthusiastic  bosom  of 
John  Knox,  its  illustrious  reformer.  His  studies  intro- 
duced him$  to  an  acquaintance  with  the  maxims  and 
modes  of  government  in  the  free  states  of  antiquity  ;  and 
it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  that  his  intercourse  with  the 
republics  of  Switzerland  and  Geneva  had  some  influence 
on  his  political  creed.  Dr.  McCrie  admits,  that  his  admi- 
ration of  the   polity  of  republics,  was  great,'  though  not 

*  Eclectic  Review  of  Ranke's  Popes,  p  299. 

t  D'Aubigne's  Hist,  of  the  Ref.  vol.  i.  pp.  83,  85,  90,  Eng.  ed 

J  McCrie  iu  ibid,  p.  P.03. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  119 

SO  indiscriminate  '  as  to  prevent  him  from  separating  the 
essential  principles  of  eqnity  and  freedom  which  they 
contained,  from  others  which  were  incompatible  with 
monarchy.'^  He  adds,  however,  that  *  at  this  time,  more 
jnst  and  enlarged  sentiments  w^ere  diffnsed  through  the 
nation,  and  the  idea  of  a  commonwealth,  including  the 
mass  of  the  people,  as  well  as  the  privileged  orders, 
began  to  be  entcrtoined.'t  '  This  that  Knox  did  for  this 
nation,'  says  his  ilhistrious  conntryman  Carlyle,$  'we 
may  really  call  a  resurrection  as  from  death.  The  people 
began  to  live ;  they  needed,  first  of  all,  to  do  that  at  what 
cost,  and  costs  soever.  Scotch  literature  and  thonght, 
Scotch  industry,  James  Watt,  David  Hume,  "Walter 
Scott,  Ptobert  Burns ;  I  find  Knox  and  the  reformation, 
acting  in  the  heart's  core  of  every  one  of  these  persons, 
and  phenomena ;  I  find  that  wnthont  the  reformation,  they 
would  not  have  been.  Or  what  of  Scotland?  The 
Puritanism  of  Scotland  became  that  of  England,  of  New 
England.  A  tumult  in  the  high  church  of  Edinburgh, 
spread  into  a  universal  battle  and  struggle  over  all  these 
realms  ;  there  came  out,  after  fifty  years  struggling,  what 
we  call  the  glorioKs  revolution,  a  habeas  corpus  act,  free 
parliaments,  and  much  else  I  He  is  the  one  Scotchman, 
to  w^hom,  of  all  others,  his  country  and  the  world  owe  a 
debt.  He  has  to  plead  that  Scotland  would  forgive  him 
for  having  been  worth  to  it  any  million  'unblamable' 
Scotchmen,  that  need  no  forgiveness  I  He  bared  his 
breast  to  the  battle  ;  had  to  row  in  French  galleys ;  wan- 
der ibrlorn,  in  exile,  in  clouds  and  storms  ;  w^as  censured, 
shot  at  through  his  windows  ;  had  a  right  sore  fighting 

^  Ibid,  p.  304.  At  p.  4G3,he  shows  from  Knox,  Hist.  pp.  363,  360,  that 
in  his  sentiments  Knox  had  the  express  approbation  of  the  princi- 
pal divines  of  the  foreign  churches.     See  also  vol.  ii.  p.  200. 

tLife  of  Knox,  vol.  i.  p.  SOT).  A  party  were  still  favorable  to  a  repub- 
lic, as  late  as  1038.  See  Dr.  Alton's  Life  and  Times  of  Alex.  Hender- 
son, p.  228.     See  also  p.  524. 

|Lect.  on  Heroes,  p.  235. 


120  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

life  ;  if  this  world  were  his  place  of  recompense,  he  had 
made  bat  a  bad  venture  of  it.  I  cannot  apologize  for  Knox. 
To  him  it  is  very  indifferent,  these  two  hundred  and  fifty 
years  or  more,  what  men  say  of  him.  But  we,  having 
got  above  all  those  details  of  his  battle,  and  living  now 
in  clearness  on  the  fruits  of  his  victory,  we,  for  our  own 
sake,  ought  to  look  through  the  rumors  and  controversies 
enveloping  the  man,  into  the  man  himself.' 

Buchanan's  favorite  and  famous  treatise,  '  De  Jure 
Kegni  apud  Scotos,'  published  in  1579,  had  much  influ- 
ence in  diffusing  free  and  liberal  views  as  to  the  origin 
and  limits  of  kingly  power.  Buchanan's  views  may  be 
further  ascertained  from  the  fact  of  his  having  whipped 
king  James  when  a  boy  for  not  obeying  him,  and  from 
his  declaration,  made  when  on  his  death-bed,  and  when 
it  was  told  him  that  the  king  was  greatly  incensed  at 
his  writing  the  work  mentioned,  and  his  History, '  I  am  not 
much  concerned  about  that,'  said  he,  '  for  I  am  shortly 
going  to  a  place  where  there  are  few  kings.'*  These 
views  were  extended  by  the  celebrated  Melville  in  his 
lectures.  '  In  an  age,'  says  Dr.  McCrie,t  '  when  the  prin- 
ciples of  liberty  were  but  partially  diffused,  and  under 
an  administration  fast  tending  to  despotism,  there  was,  at 
least,  one  man  holding  an  important  pubhc  situation,  who 


*  Chalmers's  Biog.  Diet.  vol.  vii.  pp.  231,  232.  Dryden  engages  to 
prove,  from  Buchanan  and  Calvin,  that  they  set  the  people  above  the 
magistrate.  (  Poet.  Wks.  vol.  i.  p.  347.  Pref.  to  the  Medal.)  '  Buchan- 
an's Treatise,'  says  Edward  Irving,  (Confessions  of  Faith, Lond.  1S31, 
Pref.  p.  c.xxx,  and  cxx.xi.)  and  Knox's  '  First  Blast  of  the  Trumpet 
against  theMonstrous  Regiment  of  Women,'  'contain  essentially  upon 
the  subject  of  obedience  to  the  powers  that  be,  that  which  hath  wrought 
like  a  leaven  in  the  church  and  realm  of  Scotland,  and  may  exhil  it 
that  country  as  the  most  formidable  seat  of  radicalism  and  rebellion 
in  the  world.'  Again  speaking  of  their  doctrine  of  opposition  to  king?. 
he  says  '  which  is  to  make  the  definition  and  dignity  of  the  roy.  1 
office  to  be,  not  of  divine  ordination,  but  of  human  agreement;  and 
to  bring  in  the  doctrine  of  the  social  compact,  and  the  rights  of  the 
people,  whose  natural  fruit  is  revolution,  and  destruction  of  all  social 
relations  whatever.' 

tLife  of  Melville,  vol.  ii.  pp.  115,  116. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPIJBLICANISM.  121 

dared  to  avow  such  principles,  and  who  embraced  an 
opportunity  of  imparting  to  his  pupils  those  liberal  views 
of  civil  government,  by  which  the  presbyterian  minis- 
ters were  long  distinguished,  and  by  which  all  the  efforts 
of  a  servile  band  of  prelates,  in  concert  with  an  arbitrary 
court,  and  a  selfish  nobility,  were  afterwards  unable  to 
extinguish  or  suppress.' 

Wehvood,  the  friend  of  Melville,  and  professor  of 
laws,  was  accused  of  inculcating  similar  sentiments. 
So  that  king  James  abolished  the  professorship,  declar- 
ing '  that  tlie  profession  of  laws  is  noways  necessary 
at  this  time;'^  a  truth  which  no  one  will  ever  dispute, 
seeing  that  the  king  had  determined  that  his  will  was 
law.t  King  James  has  given  the  true  reason  of  the 
obnoxiousness  of  the  presbyterian  government  to  all 
kings  in  his  '  True  Law  of  Free  Monarchies.'  '  A  free 
monarch,'^  he  says, '  that  is,  one  Avho  is  free  from  all  re- 
straints or  control,  can  make  statutes  as  he  thinks  meet, 
without  asking  the  advice  of  parliaments  or  states,  and 
can  suspend  parliamentary  laws,  for  reasons  known  to 
himself  only.'  The  writings  of  Calvin,  Buchanan,  and 
Ponet,  he  calls,  therefore,  '  apologies  for  rebellions  and 
treasons.'  In  his  Basilikon  Doron  he  was  more  explicit. 
He  here  taught-t  that  it  belongs  to  the  king  to  judge 
when  preachers  wander  from  their  text,  and  that  such  as 
refuse  to  submit  to  his  judgment  in  such  cases,  deserve 
to  be  capitally  punished ;  that  no  ecclesiastical  assem- 
blies ought  to  be  held  without  his  consent;  that  no  man 

*  Life  of  Melville,  vol.  ii.p.  IQO. 

tThese  principles  were  afterwards  developed  by  Rutherford,  in  his 
'Lex  Rex,'  in  1G44,  and  by  Guthrie  in  his  'The  Causes  of  God's 
Wrath,'  which  were  called  in  and  burned  in  Edinburgh  by  the  com- 
mon hangman.  ( Hist,  of  Westminster  Assembly,  p.  3G3.)  Also  in  the 
Apologetical  Relation;  Naphtali;  (16S0;)  Jus  Populi,  by  Mr.  James 
Stewart  of  Goodtrees  ;  Hist,  of  the  Indulgence;  Banders  Disbanded; 
Rectius  Instruendum;  and  Shield's  Hind  Let  Loose,  and  The  Mys- 
tery of  Magistracy  Unveiled. 

jLife  of  Melville,  vol.  ii.  p.  159.     §Ibid,  p.  1G2. 

11 


122  ECCLESIASTICAL    RETUBLICANISM. 

is  more  to  be  hated  of  a  king  than  a  proud  puritan ;  that 
parity  among  ministers  is  irreconcilable  with  monarchy, 
inimical  to  order,  and  the  mother  of  confusion;  that 
puritans  had  been  a  pest  to  the  commonwealth  and 
church  of  Scotland,  wished  to  engross  the  civil  govern- 
ment as  tribunes  of  the  people,  sought  the  introduction 
of  democracy  into  the  state,  and  quarrelled  with  the 
king  because  he  was  a  king;  that  the  chief  persons 
among  them  should  not  be  allowed  to  remain  in  the  land; 
in  fine,  that  parity  in  the  church  should  be  banished, 
episcopacy  set  up,  and  all  who  preached  against  bishops, 
rigorously  punished.  Such  were  the  sentiments  which 
James  entertained,  and  which  he  had  printed,  at  the  very 
time  that  he  was  giving  out  that  he  had  no  intention  of 
altering  the  government  of  the  church,  or  of  introducing 
episcopacy.'* 

Hence,  the  political  principles  of  the  papists  were 
agreeable  to  James ;  and  the  chiefs  of  that  party  paid 
assiduous  court  to  him,  by  flattering  his  love  of  power, 
and  inveighing  against  the  levelling  doctrines,  and  repub- 
lican spirit,  of  the  reforming  ministers.  And  hence  the 
envenomed  hatred  manifested  by  James  to  the  immortal 
Melville,  the  pride  and  ornament  of  his  country,  and  the 
moral  hero  of  his  age.  '  Sir,'  said  Melville  to  the  king, 
on  one  occasion,  when,  having  taken  him  by  the  sleeve  in 
his  fervor,  and  called  him  '  God's  silly  vassal,'  he  proceed- 
ed to  address  him  in  the  following  strain,  perhaps  the 
most  singular  in  point  of  freedom,  that  ever  saluted  royal 
ears,  or  that  ever  proceeded  from  the  mouth  of  a  loyal 
subject  who  would  have  spilt  his  blood  in  defence  of  the 
person  and  honor  of  his  prince.t  '  We  will  always  hum- 
bly reverence  your  majesty  in  public,  but  since  we  have 

*  Mc  die's  Life  of  Melville,  ii.  37. 

t  Ibid,  p.  06.  See  the  whole  speech.  See  also  similar  ones,  in  vol.  i. 
pp.  171,  196,  and  vol.  ii.  pp.  244,  14.5.  See  also  the  declaration  of  the 
supreme  power  of  the  people,  made  by  Alexander  Henderson,  in  his 
second  answer  to  the  king.     Life  and  Times,  by  Dr.  Alton,  p.  044. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  123 

this  occasion  to  be  with  your  majesty  in  private,  and 
since  ye  are  brought  in  extreme  danger,  both  of  your 
life  and  crown,  and  along  with  you  the  country  and 
church  of  God  are  hke  to  go  to  wreck,  for  not  telHng  you 
the  truth,  and  giving  you  foithful  counsel,  we  must  dis- 
charge our  duty,  or  else  be  traitors  both  to  Christ  and  you. 
Therefore,  sir,  as  diverse  times  before  I  liave  told  you, 
so  now  again  I  must  tell  you,  there  are  two  kings,  and 
two  kingdoms  in  Scotland;  there  is  Christ  Jesus,  the 
king  of  the  church,  whose  subject  king  James  the  Sixth 
is,  and  of  whose  kingdom  he  is  not  a  king,  nor  a  lord, 
nor  a  head,  but  a  member.  Those  whom  Christ  has 
called,  and  commanded  to  watch  over  his  church,  and 
govern  his  spiritual  kingdom,  have  sufficient  power  and 
authority  from  him  to  do  this,  both  jointly  and  severally, 
the  which,  no  christian  king  or  prince  should  control  and 
discharge,  but  fortify  and  assist ;  otherwise,  they  are  not 
faithful  subjects  of  Christ,  and  members  of  his  church. 
We  will  yield  to  you  your  place,  and  give  you  all  due 
obedience  ;  but  again  I  say,  you  are  not  the  head  of  the 
church ;  you  cannot  give  us  that  eternal  life,  which  even 
in  this  world  we  seek  for,  and  you  cannot  deprive  us 
of  it' 

We  need  not  add,  that  among  the  charges  alleged 
against  Melville,  one  was,  that  he  wished  to  'overturn 
episcopacy,  and  to  establish  upon  its  ruins  the  ecclesi- 
astical republicanism  of  Geneva.'* 

Does  any  one  ask  why  the  church  of  Scotland  became 
so  impregnated  with  republican  principles,  the  answer  is 
found  in  the  very  nature  of  her  reform.  In  her  case,  as 
in  Germany,  the  order  was  essentially  the  reverse  of  what 
took  place  in  England.     '  The  reform  in  England,'!  says  a 

*  Life  of  Melville,  p.  67. 

fMilne  on  the  Difference  between  the  Presb.  Estab.  and  the  Episc, 
Ch.  of  Scotland,  Aberdeen,  1841.  In  Dr.  McCrie's  Writings,  pp. 
171,  175. 


124  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

high-toned  prelatist,  '  was  a  monarchic  movement.'*  In 
Scotland,  on  the  other  hand,  the  whole  movement  Avas 
effected  by  the  people,  against  the  influence  and  wishes 
of  the  monarch.!  Knox  and  his  coadjutors,  men  of  tlie 
people,  obscure  in  station  and  limited  in  resources,  threw 
down  the  gauntlet  at  the  foot  of  the  throne.  They  made 
their  appeal  to  the  people.  They  addressed  themselves 
to  the  understanding  of  the  people,  and  in  their  own 
language,  and  threw  themselves  upon  their  bravery.  Nor 
were  they  disappointed.  Their  burning  thoughts,  and 
heartfelt  truths,  once  received  into  the  bosom  of  society, 
sent  forth  a  tide  of  life  through  every  vein  and  artery. 
The  reformation  in  Scotland  was  essentially  republican, 
that  is,  it  originated  and  was  carried  through  by  the 
people,  in  opposition  to  the  nobility  and  the  monarch. 
The  polity  of  the  church  received,  therefore,  the  impress 
of  the  mould  in  which  it  was  cast,  and  has  ever  been 
characterized  by  a  popular,  representative,  and  republi- 
can spirit.  It  has,  in  fact,  always  been  the  reproach  of 
the  presbyterian  church,  that  she  is  too  popular. $ 

At  the  reformation,  the  ecclesiastical  supremacy  was 
found  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the  pojie,  that  is,  the 
government  of  the  church  was  an  absolute  monarchy. 
There  were,  therefore,  but  three  courses  open  to  the 
reformers.  They  could  transfer  this  supremacy  to  the 
state ;  to  a  council  of  bishops ;  or  to  the  church,  repre- 
sented by  its  ministers  and  elders  in  ecclesiastical  courts. 
Now  England  chose  the  first  of  these  alternatives,  and 
Scotland  the  last.  The  king,  or  the  state,  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  church  of  Scotland  in  its  formation.  They 
may  be  said  rather  to  have  been  its  persecutors,  down 

=*Dr.  Taylor's  Hist.  Biog.  of  the  age  of  Elizabeth,  vol.  ii.  pp.  57,  .58. 

tSee  the  Edinb.  Rev.  for  1&.3(3,  Oct.  p.  51.  Presb.  Rev.  July,  1842, 
p.  2.36.  See  also  Dr.  Hodge's  Constitutional  Hist,  of  the  Presb.  Ch. 
part  i.  p.  58-60,  where  the  point  is  well  illustrated  fronn  their  standards. 

jSee  Lectures  on  the  Headship  of  Christ,  pp.  45,  46,  52,  53. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  125 

to  the  period  of  its  public  recognition  *  All  was  done 
by  the  people,  and  by  spiritual  authority  alone.  Taking 
the  Bible  as  their  guide,  and  its  charter  as  their  warrant, 
they  constituted  themselves  into  a  regular  church,  admin- 
istered ordinances,  and  drew  up  that  plan  of  discipline, 
which  they  believed  to  be  most  accordant  to  the  word  of 
God,  most  consonant  to  the  practice  of  the  truly  primitive 
church,  best  adapted  to  guard  against  spiritual  despotism, 
and  most  likely  to  advance  the  cause  of  Christ.  Every  fea- 
ture of  the  polity  of  the  Scotch  church,  in  its  general  out- 
lines, was,  therefore,  republican.  Her  schools  were  '  little 
republics,'!  and  even  the  superintendents,  out  of  which 
prelatical  ingenuity  has  endeavored  to  torture  some  resem- 
blance to  prelates,  were  appointed  on  '  democratical  prin- 
ciples.'$  A  portion  of  the  Scottish  people  have  always 
been  ready,  even  under  their  monarchy,  to  avow  their 
republican  predilections.  '  The  remains  of  the  school 
of  Melville,  led  on  by  Mr.  William  Scott,  and  Mr.  John 
Carmichael,  were  favorable  to  a  republic,  and  opposed  to 
every  phantom  of  episcopacy,  in  all  its  modifications.^  In 
asserting  the  internal  and  independent  authority  of  the 
church,  it  was  contended,!!  that  the  king  '  has  no  power 
to  prohibit  one  called  by  the  church,  which  in  every  point 
possesses,  as  a  perfect  republic,  this  spiritual  intrinsic 
power.'  The  royahsts  regardedlT  '  the  sacred  person  of 
the  king  as  the  only  impediment  to  the  republican  liberty 
and   confusion,  which   the   covenanters   have   designed 

*  Mr.  Mackenzie,  in  his  History  of  the  Christian  Church,  Lond. 
1842,  at  p.  313,  states,  that  '  the  spirit  in  which  the  Scottish  reforma- 
tion was  conducted,  appears  to  have  been  less  christian,  as  well  as 
less  catholic,  than  that  which  took  place  in  England.'  In'illustration 
of  this,  he  states,  '  the  right  divine  of  kings,  which,  until  after  this 
period,  was  scarcely  questioned  in  England,  was  not  only  canvassed 
by  the  Scottish  presbyterians,  but  was  declared  by  them  to  be  a  fal- 
lacy.' Fas  est  ah  hoste  doceri.  See  also  Maurice's  Kingdom  of 
Christ,  Pref.  ^ 

t  Chalmers,  "Wks.  vol.  xii.  p.  217, 

jDr.  McCrie's  Miscell.  Writings,  p.  178. 

§Life  and  Times  of  Henderson,  by  Dr.  Aiton,  p.  241, 

lllbid,  331.     11  Pp.  402,  and  44S,  482,  483. 
11* 


126  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

themselves '  The  strength  of  this  party,  is  further  de- 
scribed by  Dr.  Aiton,  when  speaking  of  the  puritans,  he 
says,*  '  this  sect  were  of  themselves,  at  first,  few  in 
number,  and  would  not  have  made  a  figure  in  England 
so  soon,  had  they  not  been  nursed  into  strength  by  a 
party  in  Scotland,  whose  authority  had  become  supreme. 
Henderson  and  his  friends  were  attached  to  the  mon- 
archy, and  wished  merely  to  secure  their  own  church 
against  persecution.  These  were  devoted  to  their  faith, 
with  self-abasement,  penitence,  and  gratitude  ;  but  they 
were  opposed  by  another  party  of  energetic  and  inflexi- 
ble presbyterians,  who  coalesced  with  the  political  puri- 
tans of  the  sister  kingdom.'  '  Is  it  any  wonder  then,' 
asks  Dr.  Hodge,t  '  that  the  Scotch  abhorred  episcopacy  ? 
It  was  in  their  experience  identified  with  despotism,  super- 
stition, and  irreligion.  Their  love  of  presbyterianism  was 
one  with  their  love  of  liberty  and  religion.  As  the  parlia- 
ment of  Scotland  was  never  a  fair  representation  of  the 
people,  the  general  assembly  of  their  church  became 
their  great  organ  for  resisting  oppression,  and  withstand- 
ing the  encroachments  of  their  sovereigns.  The  conflict, 
therefore,  which,  in  England,  was  so  long  kept  up  between 
the  crown  and  the  house  of  commons,  was,  in  Scotland, 
sustained  between  the  crown  and  the  church.  This  was 
one  reason  why  the  Scotch  became  so  attached  to  pres- 
byterianism; this  too  was  the  reason  why  the  Stuarts 
hated  it,  and  determined,  at  all  hazards,  to  introduce  pre- 
lacy as  an  ally  to  despotism.' 

*Life  and  Times  of  Henderson,  by  Dr.  Aiton,  p.  524. 

tHist.  of  the  Presb.Ch.  part.  i.  p.  58.  For  further  illustrations  of  the 
noble  conduct  of  our  Scottish  fathers  in  battling  for  liberty,  see 
The  History  of  the  Covenanters,  vol.i.  pp.  190,  230,  and  vol.  ii.  pp.  52, 
65,  125,  184.  Also  Patrick  Welvi^ood,  p.  70-78.  Presb.  Rev.  Ap.  1839, 
pp.631,  681,  G94.  Irving's  Last  Days,  pp.  551,  553.  Dr.  Aiton's  Life 
and  Times  of  Henderson,  pp.  297,449. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  127 


SECTION    III. 

The  repuhlicanism  of  jJTeshijterij  illustrated  from  its  history 
in  7nodcrn  times  in  England, 

We  now  pass  to  the  history  of  presbyterianism  in 
England.  The  genealogy  of  presbytery  in  England  is 
not  fully  understood.  It  is  thus  given  by  Fuller:  '  In  the 
days  of  king  Edward  it  was  conceived ;  in  the  reign  of 
queen  Mary  (but  beyond  sea  at  Frankfort)  was  born ;  in 
the  reign  of  queen  Ehzabeth  it  was  nursed  and  weaned  ; 
under  king  James  I,  grew  up  a  youth;  but  toward  the 
end  of  king  Charles's  reign,  shot  up  to  the  full  strength 
and  stature  of  a  man,  able  not  only  to  cope  with,  but  to 
conquer  the  hierarchy,  its  enemy.'  But  he  might  have 
gone  even  further  back,  to  the  time  of  Henry  VIII,  or 
even  earlier.  There  were  in  fact  two  reformations  strug- 
gling together  for  establishment  in  England;  the  one 
monarchic,  the  other  democratic ;  the  former  relying  for 
its  support  on  power,  the  latter  seeking  strength  by 
courting  popularity,^^ 

In  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  the  commons  were  in  favor 
of  puritanism,  because  of  its  democratic  principles,  which 
were,  like  it,  opposed  to  the  power  of  royalty  and  aris- 
tocracy.t  The  Irish  church,  from  its  commencement, 
evinced  a  still  greater  leaning  to  puritanism  than  the 
church  of  England.-t  In  short,  the  church  of  England,  in 
the  age  of  Elizabeth,  had  no  hold  on  the  affections  of  the 
great  body  of  the  nation.  It  was  only  maintained  by  the 
strong  arm  of  power,  and  by  the  zealous  exertions  of 
those  whom  grants  of  abbey-lands  had  won  to  its  sup- 
port. '  Among  the  middle  ranks,  puritanism  was  all  but 
universal.'^ 


=*  Taylor's  Biography  of  the  EHz.  Age,  vol,  ii. 
t  Ibid,  p.  78.  X  Ibid,  p.  81. 


p.  67. 
S  Ibid,  p.  97. 


128  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

Ill  fact,  the  prelatic  coiistitiUion  of  the  EngUsh  church 
never  was,  and  never  will  be,  popular.  The  people,  and 
many  of  the  clergy,  have  ever  been,  from  the  first,  pro- 
testing parties.  It  never  received  the  national  acquies- 
cence, but  awakened  indignation,  roused  the  spirit  of 
rebellion,  and  summoned  men  to  the  defence  of  their 
liberties,  until  the  scene  closed  in  anarchy  and  blood.^ 
*  In  England,'  says  Mr.  Lathbury,  *  the  reformation  was 
effected  by  the  authority  of  government.'t  '  It  made, 
therefore,  the  executive  the  religious  teacher ;  it  institu- 
ted uniformity  of  belief  in  a  human  creed  as  the  criterion 
of  salvation ;  it  arrogated  to  the  regenerated  church  the 
sole  possession  of  apostolical  descent ;  it  cut  off  all  pos- 
sible intercommunion  with  other  religious  bodies  ;  and, 
withal,  made  the  people  the  crouching  slaves  of  a  high 
priesthood.  These  things  we  charge  upon  the  English 
reformation  as  its  serious  deficiencies.  We  charge  upon 
it,  that  the  people  were  never  consulted,  in  the  mutilation 
of  their  parish  temples,  in  their  change  of  rites,  or  the  na- 
ture of  their  instruction.  We  charge  upon  it,  that  it  left 
irregularly,  unjustly  distributed  wealth  among  the  clergy. 
We  charge  upon  it,  that  it  assumed  itself  to  be  so  exclu- 
sively apostolical,  that  it  would  recognise  the  officers  of 
no  other  church,  —  except  we  admit  that  it  did,  and  still 
does,  recognise  the  papal  hierarchy.'l 

The  popular  will  in  England  found  voice  in  puritanism. 
By  their  intercourse  with  foreign  protestants,  and  their 
sympathy  with  the  foreign  churches,  the  people  of  Eng- 

*  See  Edinb.  Review,  Oct.  1836,  p.  51. 

t  Hist,  of  the  English  Episcop.  in  ibid,  p.  52.  *  A  king,'  says  Ma- 
cauley,  (Miscellanies,  vol.  i.  p.  243,  Boston  ed.)  '  whose  character  may 
be  best  described  by  saying,  that  he  was  despotism  itself  personified, 
unprincipled  ministers,  a  rapacious  aristocracy,  a  servile  Parliament; 
such  were  the  instruments  by  which  England  was  delivered  from  the 
yoke  of  Rome.  The  work,  which  had  been  begun  by  Henry,  the 
murderer  of  his  wives,  was  continued  by  Somerset,  the  murderer  of 
his  brother,  and  completed  by  Elizabeth,  the  murderer  of  her  gu(?st. 
Sprung  from  brutal  passion,  nurtured  by  selfish  policy,'  &c. 

}  Edinb.  Rev.  ibid,  p.  52. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  129 

land  had  ever  before  their  eyes  the  vision  of  a  spiritual 
repubhc,  and  this  they  beUeved  to  be  reahzed  in  the 
church  of  Geneva.^  And  finding  under  a  civil  monarchy 
nothing  but  oppression  and  spiritual  thraldom,  they  were 
anxiously  led  to  inquire  into  their  civil  rights.  They  soon 
discovered,  that  the  whole  jugglery  about  the  divine  in- 
stitution and  right  of  kings,  as  well  as  their  absolute 
power,  had  no  foundation  in  fact  or  reason,  but  arose 
from  an  old  alliance  between  ecclesiastical  and  civil 
policy.  They  found,  that  to  preserve  their  own  rank, 
dignity,  wealth,  and  power,  prelates  claimed  a  divine 
right  for  themselves  and  for  kings,  and  had  imposed  their 
usurpations  upon  a  silly  world.! 

The  character  of  the  despots  with  whom  they  had  to 
contend,  thoroughly  schooled  the  puritans  in  the  truth 
and  importance  of  their  views.  Henry  VIII  was  des- 
potism itself  personified.  Elizabeth,  the  murderer  of  her 
guest,  enforced  conformity  by  penal  la^vs,  only  because 
this  was  the  fastness  Avhich  arbitrary  power  was  making 
strong  for  itself  $  Of  Charles  I,  it  has  been  said,  that 
his  whole  life  was  a  lie  ;  that  he  hated  the  constitution 
the  more  because  he  had  been  compelled  to  feign  respect 
for  it,  and  that  to  him  the  love  and  the  honor  of  his  people 
were  as  nothing.^  Churchmen,  Roman  Catholics,  Pres- 
byterians, Independents,  his  enemies,  his  friends,  his 
tools,  English,  Scotch,  Irish,  all  divisions  and  subdivisions 
of  his  people  had  been  deceived  by  him. 

Such  were  the  despots,  male  and  female,  against  whom 
the  puritans  were  called  upon  to  contend.  A  systematic 
political  opposition,  vehement,  daring,  and  inflexible,  was 
thus  engendered.  From  religion,  they  were  led  to  politics. 
Debarred  their  religious  rights,  crushed  in  their  assertion 

*  Dr.  Taylor's  Hist.  Biogr.  of  the  Age  of  Elizabeth, 
t  Bolingbroke's  Idea  of  a  Patriot  King,  p.  79. 
i  Macauley's  Miscell.  vol.  i.  p.  249. 
j  Ibid,  pp.  267  and  290. 


130  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

of  freedom  of  conscience,  and  persecuted  for  exercising 
the  inalienable  privilege  of  private  judgment,  the  puritans 
were  forced  to  turn  against  the  power  that  thus  oppressed 
them,  and  to  assert  their  original  and  sovereign  independ- 
ence. All  lawful  government  having  been  dissolved,  and 
an  arbitrary  despotism  established,  their  monarchs  were 
justly  regarded  as  usurpers  and  tyrants,  and  all  allegiance 
to  them  as  for  ever  forfeited.  The  spirit  of  liberty  was 
grafted  upon  the  stock  of  religion,  and  was  thus  quickened 
with  a  heavenly  ardor,  and  an  impetuous  zeal,  against 
which  nothing  could  stand.  During  the  latter  part  of  the 
reign  of  Elizabeth,  the  youthful  Hercules  was  found  strong 
enough  to  crush  the  serpent,  in  the  question  of  monopolies. 
While  Whitgift  contended  for  the  absolute  despotism  of 
monarchy,  *  Cartwright  gave  utterance  to  the  system  of  a 
democratic  republic,'*  while  '  the  house  of  commons,  itself, 
exhibited  strong  symptoms  of  hostility  to  prelacy,  which 
could  hardly  be  kept  in  check,  by  the  strong  interference 
of  the  crown.'t  In  the  reign  of  James  the  number  of  the 
puritans  became  greater,  and  their  exertions  in  the  cause 
of  freedom  more  apparent.  With  their  growing  intelli- 
gence and  wealth,  this  spirit  increased,  until,  in  the  reign 
of  Charles  I,  a  universal  enthusiasm  seized  the  nation, 
pervading  not  only  the  middle  classes,  but  also  many  of 
the  gentry,  which  declared,  not  only  in  words  but  actions, 
that  while  the  king  was  resolved  to  be  absolute,  the  people 
were  determined  to  be  free.?  The  republican  party  dates 
its  origin  from  the  early  campaigns  of  the  civil  war.  Coke 
laid  its  foundation  in  the  Petition  of  Right,  endued  with 

*■  Dr.  Taylor's  Hist.  Biog.  of  the  Eliz.  age,  vol.  ii.  p.  84.  In  his  table 
of  dangerous  doctrines,  avouched  by  Cartwright,  Whitgift  says,  (Def. 
of  the  Answ.  Prefatory  matter,  19th  error,)  '  he  affirmeth  that  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  church  is  aristocratical,  or  popular,  and  therefore  his 
opinion  must  needs  be,  that  no  government  of  any  commonwealth 
ought  to  be  monarchical,  but  either  aristocratical  or  popular  ;  which 
is  a  dangerous  error.' 

t  Ibid,  p.  85. 

J  See  Alison's  Hist,  and  Macauley's  Miscel.  vol.  i.  p.  251, 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  131 

the  form  of  law,  in  1628.  Selden  built  on  this  foundation. 
Hampden,  Pym,  Vane,  St.  John,  Cromwell,  and  Sydney, 
completed  the  superstructure,  which  Sydney  has  immor- 
talized by  his  writings  and  his  blood.=^  That  the  govern- 
ment aimed  at  by  the  commonwealth  men  was  repub- 
lican, Mr.  Godwin  assumes  as  undeniable.  Nor  did  the 
republican  party  expire  with  the  restoration,  but  continued 
in  a  distinct  form,  until  the  revolution  in  1688.t  Their 
character,  too,  though  constantly  attacked,  and  scarcely 
ever  defended,  is  still  popular  with  the  great  body  of  Eng- 
lishmen, to  the  present  day,  while  the  principles,  for  which 
they  fought,  are  daily  advancing  in  their  rapid  progress 
towards  ultimate  and  complete  triumph.  '  But  for  the 
weakness  of  that  foolish  Ishbosheth,  (Cromwell's  son,) 
the  opinions  we  have  been  expressing,'  says  Macauley,$ 
'  would,  we  believe,  now  have  formed  the  orthodox  creed 
of  good  Englishmen.  We  might  now  be  writing  under 
the  government  of  his  Highness,  Oliver  the  Fifth,  or  Rich- 
ard the  Fourth,  Protector,  by  the  grace  of  God,  of  the  Com- 
monwealth of  England,  Scotland,  and  L'eland,  and  the 
dominions  thereto  belonging.  The  form  of  the  great 
founder  of  the  dynasty,  on  horseback,  as  when  he  led  the 
charge  at  Naseby,  or  on  foot,  as  when  he  took  the  mace 
from  the  table  of  the  commons,  would  adorn  all  our 
squares,  and  overlook  our  public  offices,  from  Charing- 
Cross  ;  and  sermons  in  his  praise  would  be  duly  preached 
on  his  lucky  day,  the  third  of  September,  by  court-chap- 
lains, guiltless  of  the  abominations  of  the  surplice.' 

The  puritans  of  England,  those  pioneers  who  led  the 
presbyterian  army,  cleaving  their  way  through  the  moun- 
tain barriers,  which  opposed  all  progress,  have  accom- 


^  Godwin's  Hist,  of  the  Commonwealth,  vol.  i.  pp.  1  -  5,  6,  9,  and 
ch.  i. 

t  Godwin,  ibid,  pp.  1-5,  and  p.  6,  and  Guizot's  Hist,  of  Civilization, 
vol.  i.  pp.  307  and  310. 

t  Miscell.  vol.  i.  pp.  301,  302. 


132  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

plished  a  noble  work  *  At  the  commencement  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  every  free  constitution  in  Europe  had 
gone  down,  overwhehned  by  the  deluge  of  spiritual  des- 
potism. That  of  England,  alone,  weathered  the  storm  — 
and  why?  Why  was  it,  that,  in  that  epidemic  malady  of 
constitutions,  this  escaped  the  destroying  influence  ;  or 
rather  that,  at  the  very  crisis  of  the  disease,  a  favorable 
turn  took  place  in  England,  and  in  England  alone  ?  The 
peculiar  glory  of  the  puritans  is,  '  that,  in  this  great  plague 
and  mortality  of  constitutions,  they  took  their  stand  be- 
tween the  living  and  the  dead.  At  the  very  crisis  of  its 
destiny,  at  the  very  moment  when  the  fate  which  had 
passed  on  every  other  nation  was  about  to  pass  on  Eng- 
land, they  arrested  the  danger ;  so  that  whatever  of  political 
freedom  exists,  either  in  Europe  or  in  America,  has  sprung, 
directly  or  indirectly,  from  those  institutions  which  they 
secured  and  reformed.'! 

From  puritanism,  hang  as  it  is  in  gibbets,  like  the  bones 
of  its  leading  advocates,  we  have  our  habeas  corpus,  our 
free  representation  of  the  people  ;  acknowledgment,  wide 
as  the  world,  that  all  men  are,  or  else  must,  shall,  and  will 
become,  what  we  call  free  men.$  '  Protestantism,'  adds 
Mr.  Carlyle,^  'was  a  revolt  against  spiritual  sovereignties, 
popes,  and  much  else.  Presbyterianism,  carried  out  the 
revolt  against  earthly  sovereignties  and  despotisms.  Prot- 
estantism has  been  called  the  grand  root,  from  which  our 


*  See  Dr.  Price's  Hist,  of  Non-conformity,  vol.  ii.  pp.  3,  26. 

t  Macauley's  Miscell.  vol.  i.  pp.  271,  277,  253.  See  also  similar 
attestations,  by  Lord  Brougham,  in  his  speeches,  vol.  ii.  pp.  43,  53. 
To  the  Puritans  of  the  Long  Parliament,  we  owe  the  abolition  of  the 
infamous  practice  of  torture,  till  then  legalized  in  England.  Edinb. 
Rev.  April,  1838,  p.  04.  A  Puritan  was  a  friend  of  liberty.  Neal's 
Hist,  of  the  Puritans,  vol.i.  pp.  9,  10.  See  ibid,  vol.  i.pp.  115, 116,  12G, 
280,  207,  320,  333,  337,  421,  424,  427,  403,  473,  475,  477,  &c.  See  Gui- 
zot's  high  testimony  in  Hist,  of  Civilization,  p.  307.  The  Stuart 
Dynasty,  by  Dr.  Vaiighan,  vol.  i.  p.  iii.  et  passim.  See  p.  355.  Pre- 
liminary Disc,  to  the  prose  works  of  Milton,  by  A.  St.  John,  vol.  i. 

X  Carlyle  on  Heroes,  p.  334. 

§  Ibid,  p.  200. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  133 

whole  subsequent  European  history,  branches  out ;  for 
the  spiritual  will  always  body  itself  forth  in  the  temporal 
history  of  men.  The  spiritual  is  the  beginning  of  the 
temporal.  And  now,  sure  enough,  the  cry  is  every  where 
for  liberty  and  equality,  independence,  and  so  forth ;  in- 
stead of  kings,  ballot-boxes,  and  electoral  suffrages.' 

*  The  honest  truth  is,'  says  the  celebrated  archdeacon 
Blackburne,  '  that  these  very  controversies  (respecting 
the  Genevan  discipline)  first  struck  out,  and  in  due  time 
perfected,  those  noble  and  generous  principles  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  which  too  probably,  without  those  strug- 
gles, or  something  of  the  same  sort,  would  hardly  have 
been  well  understood  to  this  very  hour.  It  is  to  the  con- 
troversy about  the  Geneva  Discipline,  that  we  owe  the 
efforts  of  the  excellent  Castallio,  to  disgrace  the  infernal 
doctrine  of  punishing  heretics  capitally  !  I  '* 

*  The  tree  of  liberty,'  says  the  Kev.  Thomas  Scott,  au- 
thor of  the  commentary,!  '  sober  and  legitimate  liberty, 
civil  and  religious,  under  the  shadow  of  which  we  in  the 
establishment,  as  well  as  others,  repose  in  peace,  and  the 
fruit  of  which  we  gather,  was  planted  by  the  puritans, 
and  watered,  if  not  by  their  blood,  at  least  by  their  tears 
and  sorrows.  Yet  it  is  the  modern  fashion,  to  feed  delight- 
fully on  the  fruit,  and  then  revile,  if  not  curse,  those  who 
planted  and  watered  it' 

In  thus  identifying  puritanism  and  republicanism,  we 
have  not  been  speaking  without  book.  Elizabeth  hated 
presbytery,  and  why  ?  —  because  '  it  held  principles  incon- 
sistent with  allegiance  to  her  crown.'l  '  She  believed  that 
the  maintenance  of  episcopacy  was  necessary  to  the  con- 
tinuance of  royalty.'^  '  She  knew  that  the  church  of 
Geneva,  which  the  puritans  declared  to  be  their  model, 

*  On  the  Intermediate  State.  Lond.  1772,  p.  xxxiii. 

t  Letters  on  Conformity.  Wks.  vol.  ix.  p.  532. 

}  Taylor's  Biog.  of  the  Eliz.  Age,  vol.  ii.  p.  77. 

\  And  not  unreasonably,  says  the  above  author,  p.  6S. 

12 


134  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

was  not  only  essentially  republican,  but  could  not  be  per- 
fectly established,  except  in  a  republic'  Being,  therefore, 
a  pope  in  spirit,  she  decreed,  that  it  would  be  '  prejudicial 
to  her  crown.'  This  had  been  demonstrated  to  her,  by 
Lord  Burlcig-h,  who  said,  that  those  views  of  church  gov- 
ernment which  should  popularize  it,  would  end  in  an 
*  abatement  of  her  prerogative,'  as,  in  this  way,  a  power 
would  be  set  up,  distinct  from  hers,  over  which  she  could 
exercise  no  control. 

King  James  hated  presbytery,  and  why  ?  At  the  Hamp- 
ton Coart  Conference,  called  by  him,  in  1604,  in  mockery 
of  the  puritans,  and  to  cover  his  own  hypocrisy  and  apos- 
tacy.  Dr.  (afterwards  bishop)  Reynolds,  happening  to 
name  the  word  presbytery,  the  king  broke  out  in  the  fol- 
lowing kingly  and  most  graphic  speech.  '  You  are  aiming 
at  a  Scot's  presbytery,  which  agrees  with  monarchy  as 
well  as  God  and  the  devil.  Then  Jack  and  Tom,  and 
Will  and  Dick,  shall  meet,  and  at  their  pleasures  censure 
me  and  my  council,  and  all  our  proceedings.  Then  Will 
shall  stand  up  and  say,  it  must  be  thus  ;  then  Dick  shall 
reply  and  say,  nay,  marry,  but  we  will  have  it  thus ;  and 
therefore,  here  I  must  once  more  reiterate  my  former 
speech,  and  say,  Le  roi  s'avisera ;  the  king  alone  shall 
decide.'  Turning  to  the  bishops,  he  avowed  his  belief, 
that  the  hierarchy  was  the  firmest  support  of  the  throne. 
Of  the  puritans,  he  added  —  '  I  will  make  them  conform, 
or  I  will  harry  them  out  of  the  land,  or  else  worse,'  '  only 
hang  them  ;  that's  all.'^     So  also  in  his  speech  to  parlia- 

*  One  great  source  of  objectior\  to  the  Genevan  translation  of  the  Bi- 
ble, was,  that  in  the  notes  appended  to  it,  were  many  things  adverse  to 
the  principles  ofgovernment,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  established  in  Eng- 
land. On  this  ground,  King  James,  in  the  conference  at  Hampton 
Court,  pronounced  them  seditious,  and  savoring  too  much  of  danger- 
ous and  traitorous  concerts. —  Cardwell's  Document.  Annals,  vol.  ii. 
p.  12.  c.v.  1588. 

In  connection  with  this  conference,  let  any  man  contrast  the  conduct 
and  language  of  the  bishops,  with  those  of  the  presbyterians,  and  he 
will  learn  much  as  to  their  respective  bearings.  See  McCrie's  Life  of 
Melville,  vol.  ii.  pp.  102,  195,  202,  203,  233,  253,  2G5,  267. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  135 

ment,  tllfe  king  said,*  '  they  do  not  so  far  differ  from  iis  in 
points  of  religion,  as  in  their  confused  form  of  pohcy  and 
parity  ;  being  ever  discontented  with  the  present  govern- 
ment, and  impatient  to  suffer  any  superiority,  vidiich 
maketh  their  sects  insufferable  in  any  well-governed 
commonwealth. 't 

Charles  I.  hated  presbytery,  and  why  ?  When  urged 
to  consent  to  the  removal  of  episcopacy,  he  alleged,  as 
one  reason  of  his  refusal,  that  it  was  more  friendly  to 
monarchy  than  presbytery.:!:  Writing  on  this  subject  to  his 
devoted  episcopal  friends  and  counsellors,  Lord  Jermyn, 
Lord  Culpepper,  and  Mr.  Ashburnham,  he  expresses  him- 
self thus  :  '  Show  me  any  precedent  wherever  presbyterial 
government  and  regal  was  together,  without  perpetual 
rebellions  ;  which  was  the  cause  that  necessitated  the 
king,  my  father,  to  change  that  government  in  Scotland. 
And  even  in  France,  where  they  are  but  upon  tolerance, 
(which  in  likelihood  should  cause  moderation,)  did  they 
ever  sit  still  so  long  as  they  had  power  to  rebel  ?  And  it 
cannot  be  otherwise,  for  the  ground  of  their  doctrine  is 
anti-monarchical.  Indeed,  to  prove  that  clearly,  would 
require  more  time,  and  a  better  pen,  than  I  have.  I  will 
say,  without  hyperbole,  that  there  was  not  a  wiser  man 
since  Solomon,  than  he  who  said  —  no  bishop,  no  king.' 
In  his  letters,  the  king  further  states, ^^  '  that  he  looks  on 
episcopacy  as  a  stronger  support  of  monarchical  power, 
than  even  the  army.  From  causes  which  we  have  already 
considered,  the  established  church  had  been,  since  the 


*  rbitl,  p.  474. 

t  The  Millenary  petition  of  the  puritans,  on  James's  coming  into 
England,  was  formally  declared  to  be  opposed  to  monarchy. — McCrie's 
Life  of  Melville,  vol.  ii.  p.  1S9. 

I  See  Clarendon  State  Papers,  vol.  ii.  pp.  202,260,  274,  in  Dr.  Miller 
on  Min.  p.  xxiv.  See  further  evidence  in  Dr.  Aiton's  Life  and  Times 
of  Alexander  Henderson,  pp.  57,  228,  294,  445. 

§  Macauley's  Miscell.  vol.  i.  p.  293. 


136  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

reformation,  the  great  bulwark  of  the  prerogative.  Charles 
wished,  therefore,  to  preserve  it.'* 

This  tendency  of  pnritanism  toward  *  a  popular  state,' 
was  made  the  ground  of  its  severest  persecutions  t  This 
charge  against  all  the  reformed  churches,  and  the  church 
of  Scotland,  in  particular,  constituted  one  chief  topic  of 
discussion,  in  the  celebrated  discourse  of  archbishop  Ban- 
croft—  the  fountain  of  high-churchism.|  'This  notion 
of  the  tendency  of  the  puritanic  doctrine,  to  a  parity  in  the 
church  and  commonwealth,  was  that  wherewith  Laud, 
who  martyred  his  king  and  country,  envenomed  the  heart 
of  that  deluded  monarch  —  and  gratified  his  own  malev- 
olence, in  the  barbarities  inflicted  on  his  opponents. 'J  The 
professed  design  of  Heylen's  History  of  that  *  active  sect,' 
the  presbyterians,  was  to  show,  as  he  says  in  his  title-page, 
'  their  opposition  to  monarchical  and  episcopal  govern- 
ment, &c.'ll 

The  republicanism  of  presbytery  was  even  preached 
against  by  no  less  a  personage  than  dean  Swift.^  '  Upon 
the  cruel  persecutions,'  he  says, '  raised  against  the  protest- 
ants  under  Queen  Mary,  among  the  great  number  who  fled 
the  kingdom,  to  seek  for  shelter,  several  ivent  and  resided  at 


*  I  have  a  copy  of  the  rare  work,  published  by  authority  of  Charles 
II,  '  The  History  of  the  English  and  Scotch  Presbytery,  wherein  is 
discovered  their  designs  and  practices,  for  the  subversion  of  govern- 
ment in  church  and  state  ! '  2d  ed.  16G0,  with  a  curious  frontispiece, 
representing  the  English  church  in  a  tree,  which  is  being  cut  down, 
and  a  crown  below,  with  the  motto,  '  tollat  te  qui  te  non  novit.' 

t  See  a  letter  from  Parker  and  Sandys,  in  Strype's  Parker,  ii.  281,  in 
Price's  Hist,  of  Nonconf  vol.  i.  p.  281,  and  Parker's  Let.  to  the  Com. 
in  Strype,  ii.  323,  in  do.  vol.  i.  p.  279. 

|McCrie's  Life  of  JNIelville,  vol.  i.  p.  3S7.  Among  the  propositions 
which  he  extracted  fiom  the  writings  of  the  puritans,  even  at  that 
early  day,  were  these.  (Dr.  Vaughan's  Stuart  Dynasty,  vol.  i.  p.  40.) 
'  The  authority  which  princes  have,  is  given  them  from  the  people ; 
and  upon  occasions,  the  people  may  take  it  away  again,  as  men  may 
revoke  their  proxies  and  letters  of  authority.' 

§  See  Dedica.to  his  speech  in  the  Star  chamb,  in  the  Let. and  Episc. 
pp'.  341,  34G. 

II  Oxf.  1G70,  and  lib.  v. 

If  Sermons  on  the  Martyrdom  of  Charles  L 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  137 


G' 


Geneva,  which  is  a  commonwealth,  governed  without  a  king 
where  the  religion,  contrived  by  Cahin,  is  icithout  the  order 
of  bishops.     When  the  protestant  faith  was  restored  by 

Queen  EUzabeth,  those  who  fled  to  Geneva,  returned, 
among  the  rest,  home  to  England,  and  ivere  groivn  so  fond 
of  the  government  and  religion  of  the  place  they  had  left, 
that  they  used  all  possible  endeavors,  to  introduce  both  into 
their  own  countr}^  From  hence  they  proceeded,  by  de- 
grees, to  quarrel  with  the  kingly  government,  because, 
as  I  have  already  said,  the  city  of  Geneva,  to  which  their 
fathers  had  floivii  for  refuge,  ivas  a  commonwealth,  or  govern^ 
ment  of  the  people! 

But  this  was  not  enough.  The  poet  laureat  must 
popularize  the  same  charge  against  presbytery.  Dryden, 
therefore,  under  the  character  of  a  wolf,  thus  characterizes 
presbytery.^ 

'  Last  of  all,  the  litUr  'scaped  by  chance, 
And  from  Geneva  first  infested  France. 
Some  authors  thus  his  pedigree  will  trace, 
But  others  write  him  of  an  upstart  race  ; 
Because  of  Wickliffe's  brood  no  mark  he  brings, 
But  his  innate  antipathy  to  kings. 
What  tho'  your  native  kennel  still  be  small, 
Bounded  between  a  puddle  and  a  wall? 
Yet  your  victorious  colonies  are  sent, 
Where  the  North- ocean  girds  the  continent. 
Quickened  with  fire  below  your  monster's  breed, 
In  fenny  Holland,  and  in  fruitful  Tweed  ; 
And  like  the  first,  the  last  efi^ects  to  be 
Drawn  to  the  dregs  of  a  Democracy. 
But  as  the  poisons  of  the  deadliest  kind, 
Are  to  their  own  unhappy  coast  confined, 
So  PRESBYTERY  and  its  pestilential  zeal, 
Can  flourish  only  in  a  commonweal.' 

*-  Hind  and  Panther,  as  above.  Was  not  Bishop  Burnet  also  subject 
to  the  charge,  of  entertaining  and  inculcating  anti-monarchical  and 
republican  principles,  because  he  sought  to  conciliate  the  Dissenters, 
and^  in  unison  with  them,  opposed  the  doctrines  of  passive  obedience, 
and  unqualified  non-resistance  to  the  ruling  power,  that  is,  arbitrary 
government  1  —  Hist.  Ref.  vol  i.  Nares's  pref.  p.  xvii. 
12* 


138  ECCLESIASTICAL    RETUBLICANISM. 

The  same  charge  of  republicanism  was  urged  against 
presbyterians  by  Jeremy  Taylor,=^  and  by  Isaac  Taylor, 
who  calls  republicanism  the  presbyterian  principle,!  and 
is  dwelt  upon  at  length,  as  one  founded  m  necessary 
causes,  and  springing  from  principle  and  not  merely  from 
analogy,  by  Mr.  Woodgate.1: 


SECTION     V  . 

The  republicanism  of  i^reshytery   demonstrated  from  its 
history  in  these  United  States. 

Having  thus  traced  the  connection  between  presbyte- 
rianism  and  republicanism,  both  in  ecclesiastical  and  in 
civil  government,  from  its  revival  and  establishment  at 
the  era  of  the  reformation,  through  all  its  eventful  strug- 
gles in  England  and  in  Scotland,  we  are  naturally  led  to 
inquire,  what  relation  it  bears  to  this  great  American  re- 
public, —  and  who  can  deny,  that  it  stands  to  it,  in  the  all- 
important  relation  of  a  cause  to  its  effect  ?  The  pilgrim 
fathers,  the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  were,  we  have 
seen,  all  presbyterian  in  essential  principles,  and  many 

*  See  quoted  in  Dr.  Reed's  Hist,  of  the  Presb.  Ch.  in  Ireland,  vol. 
ii.  p.  346. 

t  Spiritual  Despotism,  sect.  iv.  p.  177,  et  preced.  Eng.  ed. 

X  Bampton  Lectures,  pp.  20,  .349,  351,  352,  &c.  See  also  in  further 
illustration  of  the  republicanism  of  presbytery,  Neal's  Puritans,  vol.  i, 
p.  469;  vol.  ii.  pp.  6,  7,  14,  16,  20,  93.  Milner's  Life  of  Watts,  pp.  79, 
82,  S3,  S5.  Baxter's  Views  on,  in  Edinb.  Rev.  Oct.  1839,  p.  111. 
Soame's  Elizabethan  Rel.  Hist.  pp.  35,  70,  165,  179,  180,  184,  414,  518, 
545,  548,  587,  592,  593.  Rogers's  Life  of  Howe,  pp.  364,  365.  Divine 
Right  of  the  Ministry,  part  ii.  p.  107.  Rutherford's  Plea  for  Paul's 
Presbytery,  p.  iii.  and  pp.  S3, 199,  247.  Gillespie's  Aaron's  Rod  Blos- 
soming, pp.  176-182.  Sketch  of  the  History  and  Princ.  of  the  Presb. 
Ch.  in  England,  pp.  30,  35,  43.  The  fullest  authorities,  in  the  words 
of  the  original  and  scarce  writings  of  the  puritans  in  every  age,  will 
be  found  in  Hanbury's  Memorials  of  the  Independents  or  Congrega- 
tionalists,  of  which  two  volumes  have  already  appeared. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  139 

of  them  by  distinct  avowal.^'  It  has  also  been  proved, 
that  the  substantial  portion  of  South  Carohna,  and  other 
colonies,  were  either  originally,  or  eventually,  presbyte- 
rian  emigrants,  who  sought,  in  this  new  world,  a  refuge 
from  oppression,  and  the  enjoyment  of  freedom.!  Now, 
what  we  affirm,  is,  that  the  principles  which  gave  birth 
to  this  American  republic,  were  brought  here,  and  were 
nurtured  into  full  maturity,  by  these  presbyterians.  True 
it  is,  that  they  came  here  encased  by  the  intolerant  pre- 
judices with  which  popery,  their  hard  foster-mother,  had 
imbued  the  minds  of  men.  True  it  is,  that  in  their  first 
movements,  we  behold  a  most  grotesque  combination  of 
liberty  and  tyranny,  freedom  and  intolerance.  But  many 
of  them  were  far  in  advance  of  their  age,  and  all  ulti- 
mately learned  to  think,  and  to  act,  in  accordance  with 
the  genius  of  our  republican  Christianity.  The  spirit  of 
liberty  was  among  them  ;  and  in  the  free  air  of  this  new 
world,  untainted  as  yet  by  the  breath  of  spiritual  and  civil 
despotism,  it  soon  attained  to  a  vigorous  manhood,  and, 
bursting  those  chains  by  which,  for  long  ages,  she  had 
been  fettered,  stood  forth  redeemed,  regenerated,  and 
disenthralled.  Before  the  revolution  there  were  thou- 
sands of  christians,  who  had  arrived  at  the  fixed  conclu- 
sion, that  the  civil  magistrate  has  nothing  to  do  with 
religion  in  his  official  capacity,  but  to  protect  the  citizen 
in  that  form  of  worship  which  he  prefers,  and  to  secure  to 
all  men  liberty  of  conscience.  We  have  seen,  that,  in  the 
very  first  adoption  of  their  standards  of  faith,  our  pres- 
byterian  fathers  erased  all  that  militated  against  this 
opinion.  We  have  seen,  too,  that  it  was  through  the 
powerful  efforts  of  presbyterians,  the  separation  between 
the  church  and  the  state  was  first  secured,  and  perma- 
nently established.     All   the   principles   which  are  now 

*  See  Dr.  Hodge's  Hist,  of  Presb.  Ch.  and  Dr.  Lang's  Relig.   Educ. 
in  America,  pp.  35,  300,310.     Also,  Congreg.  Order,^Hist.  Acct. 
t  See  Dr.  Hodge's  Hist,  of  Presb.  Ch.  part  i. 


140  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

embodied  in  the  fLindamental  laws  of  this  country,  were 
taught  by  these  same  despised  and  persecuted  followers 
of  Calvin,  long  before  the  fathers  of  those  who  framed 
our  civil  constitutions  were  born.  The  revolution  only 
gave  an  opportunity  for  developing  their  strength  and 
purity.  They  were  then  brought  forth,  from  the  hearts 
of  men  and  the  pages  of  theology,  to  the  field  of  action. 
Their  beauty,  their  power,  their  divinity,  commended 
them  to  universal  acceptance,  until  finally  they  became 
completely  triumphant. 

Let  that  great  philosophical  inquirer  into  our  institu- 
tions, M.  Tocqueville,  attest  the  truth  of  what  we  say. 
*  If,'  says  he,*  *  w^e  carefully  examine  the  social  and  po- 
litical state  of  America,  after  having  studied  its  history, 
we  shall  remain  perfectly  convinced  that  not  an  opinion, 
not  a  custom,  not  a  law,  I  may  even  say  not  an  event,  is 
upon  record  which  the  origin  of  that  people  will  not  ex- 
plain.' *  At  the  period  of  the  first  emigrations,  the  parish 
system,  that  fruitful  germ  of  free  institutions,  was  deeply 
rooted  in  the  habits  of  the  English ;  and  with  it  the  doc- 
trine of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  had  been  introduced 
even  into  the  bosom  of  the  monarchy  of  the  house  of 
Tudor.'  '  The  emigrants,  or,  as  they  deservedly  styled 
themselves  the  pilgrims,  belonged  to  that  English  sect, 
the  austerity  of  whose  principles  had  acquired  for  them 
the  name  of  puritans.  Puritanism  was  not  merely  a  re- 
ligious doctrine,  but  it  corresponded  in  many  points  with 
the  most  absolute  democratic  and  republican  theories.  It 
was  this  tendency  which  had  roused  its  most  dangerous 
adversaries.  Persecuted  by  the  government  of  the 
mother-country,  and  disgusted  by  the  habits  of  a  society 
opposed  to  the  rigor  of  their  own  principles,  the  puritans 
went  forth  to  seek  some  rude  and  unfrequented  part  of 
the  world,  where  they  could  live  according  to  their  own 

*  Democr.  in  Am.  vol.  i.  pp.  27,  28,  31,  32,  35. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUELICANISM.  141 

opinions,  and  worship  God  in  freedom!'  '  A  democracy, 
more  perfect  than  any  which  antiquity  had  dreamed  of, 
started  in  full  size  and  panoply  from  the  midst  of  an 
ancient  feudal  society.' 

Let  any  man,  we  again  say,  attentively  compare  the 
solemn  leagues  and  covenants,  by  which  the  continental 
and  Scottish  reformers,  and  the  puritans  and  non-conform- 
ists at  a  later  period,  pledged  themselves  to  one  another 
by  their  lives,  property,  and  sacred  honor,  and  bound 
themselves  to  spend  and  be  spent  in  the  canse  of  civil 
and  religious  freedom,  with  our  declaration  of  independ- 
ence, and  he  will,  we  think,  allow,  that,  in  the  former,  we 
have  the  plan,  the  spirit,  and  the  prototype  of  the  latter  * 

The  politicians,  therefore,  who  drew  up  the  fundamen- 
tal laws  of  these  new  states,  only  expressed  the  wishes  of 


^  The  honorable  individual  to  whom  this  work  is  inscribed,  first 
suggested  this  idea  to  the  author.  He  has  just  found  it  expressed  in 
the  able  discourse  of  the  Rev.  John  McLeod,  on  Protestantism.  (New 
York,  1843,  pp.  21,  22.)  '  And  we  have  ourselves  heard  another  dis- 
tinguished civilian  [Hon.  Gulian  C.  Verplanck]  of  our  own  State,  in 
a  public  address,  trace  the  origin  of  the  declaration  of  American  inde- 
pendence to  the  National  Covenant  of  Scotland.  Nor  was  it  a  mere 
flight  of  fancy.  The  Scottish  reformers  from  popery  had  drunk  deep 
at  the  fountains  of  protestantism,  as  they  had  been  opened  on  the  con- 
tinent of  Europe,  and  especially  in  republican  Geneva;  or,  rather, 
they  had  drunk,  along  with  the  continental  reformers,  at  the  same 
open  fountain  of  God's  word.  They  succeeded  the  reformers  of  the 
continent  in  the  movement  against  antichrist,  and  had  all  the  advan- 
tage of  their  lights.  Their  covenants  were  bonds  of  union  among 
themselves,  and  public  declarations  of  the  grounds  of  their  opposition 
to  the  antichristian  system,  in  all  its  parts.  And  they  were  distin- 
guished,yZrs^,  as  connecting  civil  and  religious  liberty  together  in  the 
definitions  of  rights  which  they  made  —  and ,  secoiidly^  in  combining  all 
classes  of  the  community  in  the  effort  to  secure  them.  As  first 
formicd,  and  afterwards  renewed  at  various  crises  of  their  history,  the 
National  Covenant  of  Scotland  was  a  declaration  of  the  independence 
of  the  Church  of  Christ,  as  a  distinct  community  from  the  State; 
and  of  both  Church  and  State  from,  all  foreign  control.  It  was  sub- 
scribed by  the  mass  of  the  people,  as  well  as  the  privileged  orders. 
And  as  ultimately  embodied  with  additions,  in  the  solemn  league  and 
covenant,  it  became  the  constitution  of  the  British  empire.  Under  it, 
the  presbyterians  of  Scotland  and  the  north  of  Ireland,  the  puritans  of 
England,  of  whom  the  majority  were  presbyterians,  and  all  other 
protestants  who  chose  to  receive  it,  united  together  in  the  strife  for 
liberty,  which  had  already  commenced.' 


142  ECCLESIASTICAL    EEPUBLICANISM. 

the  entire  presbyteriaii  community,  when  they  inserted 
provisions  for  securing  complete  religious  liberty.*  In- 
deed, the  very  style  of  some  of  the  most  famous  of  these 
celebrated  enactments  was  in  exact  accor.dance  with  that 
which  christians  had  previously  employed  in  writing  on 
the  same  subject.  And  it  agrees  better  with  the  truth  to 
say,  that  fonjis  of  2:>oIitical  goveimment  were  framed  in  con- 
formity to  principles  received  by  these  presbyterians,  who 
were  the  most  numerous  class  of  christians  among  us, 
than  that  the  converse  of  this  took  place.  Our  noble  pres- 
byterian  forefathers,  in  many  petitions  and  memorials, 
written  with  singalar  ability,  demanded  the  establishment 

of  ABSOLUTE    LIBERTY,    JUST  AND  TRUE   LIBERTY,  FULL  AND 

IMPARTIAL  LIBERTY,  lu  the  pTopeT  sense  of  these  terms. \ 

If  ever  the  great  principles  which  led  to  our  revolu- 
tion are  fairly  canvassed,  and  the  causes,  which,  amid 
so  many  discouragements,  led  us  on  to  triumph,  are 
fairly  stated,  it  will  be  found  that  our  faith  and  its  teach- 
ers had  much  to  do  in  obtaining  our  liberty.  The  blood 
of  our  people  has  stained,  and  their  bones  have  bleach- 
ed, on  every  battle-field  of  our  country.  If  papacy  or 
prelacy  had  prevailed  in  our  land,  our  new  free  States 
would  be  provinces  of  Great  Britain  to  the  present  hour. 
Withdraw  from  this  land  all  the  civil  benefits  which  it  has 
derived  from  the  pilgrim  and  presbyterian  fathers,  and  the 
remainder  would  be  scarcely  worth  the  possessing-^ 

'  The  part  taken  by  presbyterians  in  the  contest  with 
the  mother  country,^  was,  indeed,  at  the  time,  often 
made  a  ground  of  reproach  ;  and  the  connection  between 
their  efforts  for  the  security  of  their  religious  liberty,  and 
opposition  to  the  oppressive  measures  of  parliament,  was 


=*  Tocquev.  Dem.  in  Am.  ii.  pp.  317,  318. 

t  Dr.  Rice's  Considerations  on  Religion.     Richmond,  1S32,  p.     57. 

X  Rev.  Nicholas  Murray,  New  Jersey. 

\  Hodge's  Hist,  part  ii.  p.  484. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  143 

then  distinctly  seen  *  Mr.  Galloway,  a  prominent  ad- 
vocate of  the  government,  ascribed,  in  1774,  the  revolt 
and  revolution  mainly  to  the  action  of  the  presbyteri- 
aii  clergy  and  laity  as  early  as  1764,  when  the  proposi- 
tion for  a  general  synod  emanated  from  a  committee 
appointed  for  that  purpose  in  Philadelphia.!  This  was 
a  great  exaggeration  and  mistake,  but  it  indicates  the 
close  connection  between  the  civil  and  religious  part 
of  the  controversy.  The  same  writer  describes  the  op- 
ponents of  the  government,  as  an  '  united  faction  of  con- 
gregationalists,  presbyterians,  and  smugglers.'  Another 
writer  of  the  same  period  says,  *  you  will  have  discovered, 
that  I  am  no  friend  to  presbyterians,  and  that  I  fix  all  the 
blame  of  these  extraordinary  American  proceedings  up- 
on them. 'I  He  goes  on,  '  believe,  sir,  the  presbyterians 
have  been  the  chief  and  principal  instruments  in  all  these 
flaming  measures  ;  and  they  always  do  and  ever  will  act 
against  government,  from  that  restless  and  turbulent  anti- 
monarchical  spirit  which  has  always  distinguished  them 
every  where,  when  they  had,  or  b^^  any  means  could  as- 
sume power,  however  illegally.' 

'  As  the  conduct  of  the  presbyterian  clergy  during  the  re- 
volutionary war  is  not  a  matter  of  dispute,  all  that  we  are 
called  upon  to  do,'  adds  Dr.  Hodge, '  is  briefly  to  exhibit  the 
action  of  the  synod  in  reference  to  this  subject.' 

The  s^'uod  of  New  York  w^ere  the  very  first  to  declare 


*  '  So  also  in  England,  on  the  question  of  the  American  war,'  says 
Dr.  Vaughan,  ( CongregatioDalism,  p.  122,)  'dissenters  were  more  in- 
clined to  the  side  of  the  colonists,  than  to  that  of  the  mother  country, 
which  exposed  them  to  much  resentment  and  suffering.  Then  came 
the  revolution  in  France,  and,  in  the  early  days  of  that  movement,  dis- 
senters expressed  themselves  strongly  in  favor  of  the  changes  contem- 
plated in  that  kingdom,  and  their  conduct,  in  this  instance,  called  forth 
further  indignation  from  the  same  quarter.' 

t  Reed's  Address,  p.  51 

X  By  presbyterians,  this  writer  means  non-episcopalians. 


144  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

themselves  in  favor  of  the  struggle,  a  year  before  the  de- 
claration of  independence,  and  to  encourage  and  guide 
their  people,  then  in  arms."^  During  the  war,  they  sus- 
tained and  invigorated  the  forces  of  their  beleagured  coun- 
try ;  so  that  presb^^terians  were  every  where  treated  with 
special  cruelty  and  revenge. t  At  the  close  of  the  war,  they 
again  addressed  their  people,  and  offered  up  praise  to  God, 
who  had  given  them  thevictory.J  They  were  the  first  to 
recognise  the  declaration  of  independence,  ivhen  made  ; 
and  they  materially  aided  in  the  passage  of  that  noble 
act.§ 

*  When  the  declaration  of  independence  was  under  de- 
bate in  the  continental  congress,  doubts  and  forebodings 
were  whispered  through  that  hall.  The  houses  hesitated, 
wavered,  and,  for  a  while,  the  liberty  and  slavery  of  the 
nation  appeared  to  hang  in  an  even  scale.  It  was  then  an 
aged  patriarch  arose,  a  venerable  and  stately  form ;  his 
head  white  with  the  frost  of  years.  Every  eye  went  to 
him  with  the  quickness  of  thought,  and  remained  w^th  the 
fixedness  of  the  polar  star.  He  cast  on  the  assembly  a 
look  of  inexpressible  interest  and  unconquerable  determi- 
nation ;  while  on  his  visage,  the  hue  of  age  was  lost  in  the 
flush  of  a  burning  patriotism,  that  fired  his  cheek.  '  There 
is,'  said  he,  when  he  saw  the  house  wavering,  '  There  is 
a  tide  in  the  affairs  of  men  —  a  nick  of  time.  We  per- 
ceive it  now  before  us.  To  hesitate,  is  to  consent  to  our 
own  slavery.  That  noble  instrument  upon  your  table, 
which  insures  immortality  to  its  author,  should  be  sub- 
scribed this  very  morning,  by  every  pen  in  the  house. 
He  that  will  not  respond  to  its  accents,  and  strain  every 
nerve  to  carry  into  effect  its  provisions,  is  unworthy  the 

*  Dr.  Lang's  Relig.  and  Educ.  in  Amer.  p.  72,  where  their  letter  is 
given. 

t  Ibid,  p.  77,  78.  See  also  Dr.  Miller's  Life  of  Dr.  Rogers,  p.  234, 
8vo.  ed. 

X  Ibid,  p.  78. 

\  Ibid,  p.  94. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  145 

name  of  a  freeman.  For  my  own  part,  of  property  I  have 
some  —  of  reputation,  more.  That  reputation  is  staked, 
that  property  is  pledged,  on  the  issue  of  this  contest.  And 
although  these  gray  hairs  must  soon  descend  into  the  sep- 
ulchre, I  would  infinitely  rather  they  should  descend  thith- 
er by  the  hands  of  the  public  executioner,  than  desert,  at 
this  crisis,  the  sacred  cause  of  my  country.'  Who  was  it 
that  uttered  this  memorable  speech, —  potent  in  turning 
the  scales  of  the  nation's  destiny,  and  worthy  to  be  pre- 
served in  the  same  imperishable  record  in  which  is  regis- 
tered the  not  more  eloquent  speech  ascribed  to  John 
Adams,  on  the  same  sublime  occasion  ?  '  It  was  John 
Witherspoon  —  at  that  day  the  most  distinguished  pres- 
byterian  minister  west  of  the  Atlantic  ocean  —  the  father 
of  the  presbyterian  church  in  the  United  States.''^ 

An  inquiry  into  the  matter  would  show,  by  an  actual  bi- 
ography of  the  veterans  of  the  revolution,  that  a  large  pro- 
portion of  them  were  connected  wnth  the  presbyterian 
church.  Without  attempting  to  make  such  an  investiga- 
tion, we  will  merely  mention  the  following  facts  which  have 
incidentally  fallen  into  our  hands  in  reference  to  South 
Carolina. 

The  battles  of  the  '  Cowpens.'  of'  King's  Mountain'  — 
and  also  the  severe  skirmish  known  as  '  Huck's  Defeat,' 
are  among  the  most  celebrated  in  this  State,  as  giving  a 
turning  point  to  the  contest  of  the  revolution.  General  Mor- 
gan., who  commanded  at  the  Cowpens,  was  a  presbyterian 
elder,  and  lived  and  died  in  the  communion  of  the  church. 
General  Pickens,  who  made  all  the  arrangements  for  the 
battle,  was  also  a  presbyterian  elder.  And  nearly  all  un- 
der their  command  were  presbyterians.  In  the  battle  of 
King's  Mountain,  Colonel  Campbell,  Colonel  James  Wil- 
liams, (who  fell  in  the  action,)  Colonel  Cleaveland,  Colonel 
Shelby,  and  Colonel  Sevier,  were  al]  presbyterian  elders  ; 

*  Rev.  J.  M.  Krebs. 
13 


146  ECCLESIASTICAL    IlErUBLICANISM. 

and  the  body  of  their  troops  were  collected  from  presby  teri- 
an  settlements.  At  Hack's  Defeat,  in  York,  Colonel  Brat- 
ton  and  Major  Dickson,  were  both  elders  of  the  presbyte- 
rian  church.  Major  Samuel  Morrow,  who  was  with  Colo- 
nel Sumpter  in  four  engagements,  and  at  King's  Mountain, 
Blackstock's,  and  other  battles,  and  whose  home  was  in  the 
army  till  the  termination  of  hostilities,  was,  for  about  fif- 
ty years,  a  ruling  elder  of  the  presbyterian  church* 

These  facts  we  have  collected  from  high  authority,  and 
they  deserve  to  be  prominently  noticed.  Here  are  ten  offi- 
cers of  distinction,  all  bearing  rale  in  the  church  of  Christ  — 
and  all  bearing  arms  in  defence  of  our  liberties.  Braver  and 
better  officers  cannot  be  found  in  the  annals  of  our  coun- 
try —  nor  braver  or  better  troops. 

It  may  also  be  mentioned  in  this  connection,  that  Mari- 
on, Huger,  and  other  distinguished  men  of  revolutionary 
memory,  Avere  of  Huguenot,  that  is,  full-blooded  presbyte- 
rian, descent. 

'  A  presbyterian  loyalist,"  says  Mr.  William  B.  Reed, 
himself  an  episcopalian,  '  was  a  thing  unheard  of  Patri- 
otic clergymen  of  the  established  church  were  exceptions 
to  general  conduct ;  for  while  they  were  patriots  at  a  sacri- 
fice, and  in  spite  of  restraints  and  imaginary  obligations, 
which  many  found  it  impossible  to  disregard,  it  was  natur- 
al sympathy  and  voluntary  action,  that  placed  the  dissent- 
ers under  the  banner  of  revolutionary  redress.  It  is  a  so- 
ber judgment,  which  cannot  be  questioned,  that,  had  inde* 
pendence  and  its  maintenance  depended  on  the  approval 
and  ready  sanction  of  the  colonial  episcopal  clergy,  mis- 
rule and  oppression  must  have  become  far  more  intense, 
before  they  would  have  seen  a  case  of  justifiable  rebel- 
lion. The  debt  of  gratitude  which  independent  America 
owes  to  the  dissenting  clergy  and  laity,  never  can  be  paid.'t 

*  He  died  in  Spartanburgh  district,  S.  C.  in  Teh.  1842,  aged  S2. 

t  Address  before  the  Philomathean  Society,  Philad.  1838,  pp.  59,  GO. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

PRESBYTERY     MORE     REPUBLICAN     THAN     OTHER     FORMS    OF 
CHRISTIAN     POLITY. 

It  remains  that  we  shoalcl  say  something  on  the  com- 
parative claims  to  the  character  of  repubhcanism,  of  our 
own  and  other  ecclesiastical  systems.  Comparisons  are 
always  odioas.  We  shall,  therefore,  discharge  the  in- 
cumbent duty  now  forced  upon  us,  with  as  much  lenity 
and  despatch  as  truth  and  justice  will  admit. 

Passing  by  the  minor  differences  existing  between  the 
presbyterian  church,  strictly  so  called,  and  other  denomi- 
nations essentially  agreeing  with  it,  and  who  may  be 
properly  included  under  the  general  term  presbytery,  we 
will  institute  a  claim  of  partial  superiority  to  our  breth- 
ren of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  church  ;  of  still  greater  to 
the  Protestant  Episcopal  church  in  these  United  States ; 
and  an  entire  superiority  to  the  system  patronized  by  the 
high-church  prelatists,  and  established  among  tJicir  Ptoman 
Catholic  brethren. 

In  making  this  comparison,  we  must  bear  in  mind 
one  rule  of  simple  and  unquestionable  authority  in  the 
premises.  To  deny  the  first  principles  of  any  system  is 
to  deny  that  system ;  however,  in  less  important  points, 
there  may  be  agreement  with  it.  '  The  rights  of  particu- 
lar nations  cannot  subsist,'  says  Sydney, '  if  general  prin- 
ciples, contrary  to  them,  are  received  as  true.'=^  And  in 
like  manner,  we  must  conclude,  that  ecclesiastical  sys- 
tems, embodying  principles  contrary  to  those  which 
are  fundamental  to  republicanism,  or  which  fail  to  recog- 
nise those  principles,  are  in  their  measure  contrary  to  it, 
or  irreconcilable  with  it. 

^  Disc,  on  Govt,  ch,  i.  ^  4. 


148  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 


SECTION  I. 

The  system  of  preshytcry  more  rejmhUcan  than  the  polity  of 
the  Methodist  Episcopal  church. 

We  confess,  that  in  perusing  the  articles  on  '  the  re- 
publicanism of  methodist  polity/  already  referred  to,^  we 
were  led  to  entertain  a  higher  opinion  of  the  system, 
than  we  had  previously  cherished.  There  are  many 
things  in  which  an  analogy  may  be  drawn  out  between 
methodism  and  republicanism,  and  there  is  much  in  it 
adapted  to  the  popular  mind.  In  its  doctrine  of  the  min- 
istry, it  is  essentially  presbyterian,  for  while  it  admits  of 
bishops  as  superintendents,  it  teaches  that  there  is  but  one 
ORDER  of  ministers,  and  that  these  are,  in  order,  equal  to  the 
rest.  To  this  doctrine  it  has  fully  committed  itself  by  the 
republication,  under  its  own  sanction,  of  the  works  of  Lord 
King,t  and  Mr.  Powell. |  Under  the  name  of  an  office, 
however,  it  attributes  to  its  bishops  very  unlimited 
powers.  And  the  question,  therefore,  is,  whether  this 
analogy  will  hold  in  regard  to  those  principles  which  are 
fundamental  to  a  republic,  and  not  merely  in  those  which 
are  secondary  in  their  importance,  or  common  to  it  with 
other  forms  of  government. 

Now  among  the  principles  which  are  fundamental  to 
the  very  existence  of  a  republic  we  found  these. 

1.  The  equality  of  all  its  members,  implying  that  the 
laws  are  made  equally  by  all,  acting  through  their  repre- 
sentatives, and  that  none  are  elevated  to  any  station  in 
which  they  can  act  or  legislate,  independently  of  the 
people. 

*  These  were  first  printed  in  '  The  Christian  Advocate,'  and  repub- 
lished in  "  The  Southern  Christian  Advocate.' 

t  The  Primitive  Govt.of  the  Church. 

J  On  the  Apostolical  Succession,  which  is  a  thorough  presbyterian 
book. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  149 

2.  The  sovereign  power  of  the  people,  as  the  source  of 
all  authority;  their  intervention  in  all  public  affairs ;  their 
election  of  all  officers;  the  consequent  responsibility  of 
all  officers  to  them  for  the  discharge  of  their  duty,  and 
the  management  of  funds  ;  and  their  knowledge  and  con- 
trol, through  their  representatives,  of  all  expenditures. 

3,  The  extension  of  the  right  of  suflrage,  in  the 
appointment  of  officers,  to  all  capable  of  exercising  it,  or, 
in  other  words,  the  rights,  privileges,  and  immunities  of 
the  laity. 

These    principles,    among    others,    are     essential    to 
constitute   any  government  fully   repubhcan.      But  are 
these    found    in    the  govermncnt   and  discipline   of   the 
Methodist   Episcopal   church?      We  think  not;  for  the 
people,  and  a  large  portion  of  the  clergy,  have  no  partici- 
pation in  the  legislative  assemblies  of  the  church;  the 
people  had  no  voice  in  the  original    constitution  of  the 
church,  although  the  code  of  discipline  was  drawn  up 
and  framed  by  men ;  the  people  have  no  voice  in   the 
election,  ordination,  removal,  or  dismissal  of  ministers  ; 
the  elective  and  representative  rights  of  the  people  are 
therefore  denied,  and  the  management  of  funds  in  a  great 
measure   withdrawn   from   their   control.       We    do   not 
enter  into  particulars,  although  we  might  in  all  fairness 
do  so,  as,  in  the  articles  alluded  to,  there  is  a  formal  com- 
parison of  methodist  polity  with  presbyterianism,  on  this 
very  ground  of  their  republican  character.     We  are  saved 
this  trouble,  however,  by  the  admissions  made  in  some 
articles  on  '  the  Methodist  Church  Government,'  in  *  the 
Southern  Christian  Advocate,'*^  by  which  it  would  appear 
that  this  system  does  not  base  its  merits  upon  its  republi- 
canism, but  upon  other  qualities.     In  reply  to  the  charge 
of  the  anti-republican  character  of  this  polity,  it  is  there 
said: 

*  See  Dec.  23,  1842,  and  Jan.  G,  1843. 
]3* 


150  ECCLESIASTICAL  RErUELIC  ANISM. 

'  But  may  wc  not  reasonably  object  to  have  our  eccle- 
siastical system  tried  by  a  standard  with  which  it  holds 
no  common  first  principles  ?  And  may  we  not  challenge 
the  competency  of  the  court  which  condemns  us,  when 
we  find  Christianity  itself  subjected  to  the  same  condem- 
nation ?  It  is  a  master-axiom  in  our  republican  creed, 
that  the  popular  will  is  the  source  of  law.  But  we  find 
in  the  statute-book  of  methodism  a  system  of  laws 
which  did  not  originate  in  the  will  of  the  people.  It  fol- 
lows, of  course,  that  methodism  is  opposed  to  republi- 
canism.'* 

Again  the  editor  says,  '  it  is  not  difficult  to  dispose  of 
the  objections  based  on  such  terms  as,  '  the  equal  and 
inalienable  rights  of  the  people'  —  '  supreme  legislature 
of  the  church'  — '  rights  of  methodist  laymen,'  and  so 
forth.  Here  is  the  methodist  church  Its  ministers  have 
offered  to  our  acceptance  doctrines  and  discipline  which 
tJicy  claim,  not  as  inventions  of  their  own,  but  as  the 
commands  of  Him  who  has  said,'  &c. 

Now  all  this  is  very  well;  but  a  difficult  question 
previously  arises  ;  when  and  where  did  Christ  delegate 
power  to  the  ministers  alone  to  constitute  themselves  the 
church,  to  draw  up  '  methodism,  doctrine,  and  discipline, 
as  the  clearest  and  best  exposition  and  summary  of  what 
tJicy  believed  to  be  in  the  Bible,'  and  then  to  offer  this 
to  God's  people,  without  giving  the  great  mass  of  the 
church  any  possible  opportunity  of  exercising  their  rights 
in  ascertaining  what  are  the  principles  of  the  church,  as 
laid  down  in  the  scriptures?  What  is  this,  but  to  make  these 
travelling  clergy  tJie  church,  and  to  clothe  them  with  the 
powers  of  the  Avhole  body  of  the  faithful. 

But  again  the  editor  says.  '  Now,  then,  for  the  question 
of  rights.   There  are  natural  rights,  social  rights,  civil  rights, 

*The  editor  goes  on  to  show,  that  Christianity  is  equally  opposed 
to  republicanism.  How  lar  this  is  the  case,  we  leave  our  readers  lo 
determine.     See  our  remarks  in  chap.i. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANlSxM.  151 

christian  rights,  methodist  rights.  In  this  scale  of  rights, 
it  will  be  seen,  with  half  a  glance,  that  social  rights  inter- 
fere to  some  extent  with  natural  rights ;  and  civil  or  po- 
litical rights  limit  social ;  christian  rights  demand  siuTen- 
ders,  which  civil  rights  may  not  claim;  and,  last  of  all, 
methodist  rights  are  limited,  and  tied  down  to  sacrifices 
of  natural,  social,  and  even  christian  rights,  which  are 

demanded  by  no  other  ecclesiastical  system 

.  .  .  And,  finally,  as  a  methodist,  by  the  essential  con- 
ditions of  the  system,  he  must,  in  limine,  deliberately  sur- 
render what,  as  a  christian  of  some  other  denomination, 
he  might  retain.  A  man  may  be  a  sincere  and  pious 
presbyterian,  episcopalian,  or  baptist,  and  yet  be  unpre- 
pared for  the  amount  of  privations  and  sacrifices,  and  the 
surrender  of  certain  privileges,  which  the  methodist 
church  demands.' 

Again,  '  our  itinerant  organization  renders  unnecessary 
any  lay  representation,  either  in  the  general  or  the 
annual  conferences.  To  other  churches,  constructed  on 
a  difterent  organic  principle,  such  a  representation  may 
be  necessary,  for  any  thing  we  know  to  the  contrary.' 

Again,  in  proof  of  the  working  and  success  of  their  sys- 
tem, a  contrast  is  presented  between  its  success  and 
that  of  the  Protestant  Methodist  church.  '  We  need  only 
remind  the  reader,  that  the  Methodist  Protestant  church, 
organized  specifically  and  purposely  on  so-called  repub- 
lican principles,  in  which  a  lay  representation  in  the  gen- 
eral and  annual  conferences  is  a  fundamental  element, 
has  been  in  operation  some  twelve  or  fourteen  years.' 

As  it  regards  the  rights  of  the  laity,  it  is  also  said. 
*  Now  we  admit  to  the  full  extent,  the  alleged  peculiarity. 
The  constitution  of  methodism,  is  such  as  to  demand  a 
relinquishment  of  the  privilege  of  choosing  a  pastor. 
The  people  actually  have  no  voice  in  the  selection  of 
their  spiritual  guides.  And  this  peculiarity,  so  far  from 
being  a  late  discovery,  is  just  as  old  as  methodism.     It 


152  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

has  been  from  the  very  beginning  the  main  centre  of  our 
strength.' 

We  wage  no  quarrel  with  our  methodist  brethren. 
They  are  cut  loose  from  all  European  influence.  They 
are,  wc  doubt  not,  '  heart  and  Jiancr  republicans  in  civil 
matters.  They  have  all  right,  humanly  speaking,  to 
frame  their  own  code  of  discipline  ;  to  restrict  its  supreme 
power  to  their  ministry,  and  to  deny  it  to  the  people,  so 
long  as  it  shall  appear  to  the  people  to  be  for  the  common 
advantage  of  the  church  that  it  should  be  so.  And  truly 
they  have  accomplished  wonderful  things,  for  which  we 
are  glad.  But  when  our  methodist  brethren  claim  com- 
parison with  us,  and  superiority  to  us,  on  the  ground  of  the 
rejjnhlican  character  of  our  respective  systems,  we  must 
maintain,  that  the  essential  principles  of  republicanism, 
before  mentioned,  are  found  wanting  in  the  methodist 
polity,  while  they  are  prominent  in  our  own.  Neither  can 
we  believe,  that  the  marvellous  success  of  this  denomination 
is  to  be  attributed  to  its  constitution,  so  far  as  it  is  '  opposed 
to  republicanism,'*  but  to  the  zeal,  energy,  and  devoted 
piety  with  which  they  have  proclaimed  the  gospel.  And 
we  must  believe,  that  the  adaptation  of  their  system  to 
that  republican  form  laid  down,  as  we  think,  in  the 
scriptures,  would  immeasurably  increase,  and  not  diminish, 
their  power  to  do  good.  Thus  much  we  say  in  all  kind- 
ness. Neither  should  we  have  said  any  thing,  had  we 
not  been  called  upon  to  do  so,  by  these  recent  and  re- 
peated efforts  to  produce  a  contrary  impression.  With 
our  brethren  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  churches  we  de- 
sire to  cultivate  the  kindliest  relations,  and  a  growing 
harmony  and  cooperation  in  every  good  word  and  work. 

*  See  extract  at  p.  1-5. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  153 


SECTION      II. 

Preshytcry  more  republican  than  the  Protestant  Ejnscojml 
church. 

"We  pnss  on  to  consider  the  superiority  of  the  presby- 
terian  poUty  to  that  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  church  in 
these  United  Slates.  Before,  however,  proceeding  to 
remark  upon  its  present  constitution,  we  feel  it  but  justice 
to  ourselves  to  make  some  reference  to  its  past  history. 
And  while,  we  would  again  say,  that  nothing  can  be  further 
from  our  intention  than  to  impute  to  the  prelates,  clergy, 
or  members  of  the  episcopal  church  in  this  country,  an 
anti-reimhlican  sjnrit,  or  any  want  of  the  most  devoted 
attachment  to  the  interests  of  the  commonwealth ;  or 
insincerity  in  their  avowal,  that,  as  they  regard  it,  the 
ecclesiastical  polity  of  their  church  is  in  perfect  keeping 
with  the  genius  of  republicanism  ;  yet  we  may  be  allowed 
to  state,  that  very  opposite  views  of  the  necessary  ten- 
dency of  tliat  system  have  been  insisted  upon  by  its 
ablest  advocates.  Of  this  declaration,  we  will  present 
one  pregnant  illustration,  taken  from  the  work  of  Doctor 
Chandler,  in  which  he  very  ably  advocated  the  then  un- 
popular scheme  of  an  i\merican  episcopate.  After  going 
through  an  examination  of  the  religious  grounds,  upon 
which  the  propriety  of  this  scheme  was  based,  he  pro- 
ceeds to  show,  that  considerations  of  a  political  nature 
were  of  themselves  sufficient  to  decide  the  question, 
whether  or  not  bishops  should  be  introduced  into  Amer- 
ica. He  says,*  '  But,  notwithstanding,  episcopacy  and 
monarchy  are,  in  their  frame  and  constitution,  best  suited 
to  each  other.  Episcopacy  can  never  thrive  in  a  republi- 
can government,  nor  republican  principles  in  an  episcopal 

*  Appeal  on  behalf  of  the  Ch.  of  Eng.  in  America,  N.  York,  1767. 
p.  115. 


154  ECCLESIASTICAL    RErUBLICAxNISM. 

church.  For  the  same  reasons,  in  a  mixed  monarchy,  no 
form  of  ecclesiastical  government  can  so  exactly  harmo- 
nize with  the  state,  as  that  of  a  qualified  episcopacy. 
And  as  they  are  mutually  adapted  to  each  other,  so  they 
are  mntnally  introductive  of  each  other.  He  that  prefers 
monarchy  in  the  state,  is  more  likely  to  approve  of  epis- 
copacy in  the  church,  than  a  rigid  republican.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  that  is  for  a  parity  and  a  popular  govern- 
ment in  the  church,  will  more  easily  be  led  to  approA^'e  of 
a  similar  form  of  government  in  the  state,  how  little 
soever  he  may  suspect  it  himself  It  is  not  then  to  be 
wondered,  if  our  civil  rulers  have  always  considered 
episcopacy  as  the  surest  friend  of  monarchy  ;  and  it  may 
reasonably  be  expected  from  those  in  authority,  that  they 
will  support  and  assist  the  church  in  America,  if  from  no 
other  motives,  yet  from  a  regard  to  the  state,  with  which 
it  has  so  friendly  and  close  an  alliance.'* 

Until  after  the  revolution  there  were,  it  will  be  recol- 
lected, no  prelates  in  this  country.  On  this  subject,  Ban- 
croft says,  '  Priestcraftt  did  not  emigrate  ;  by  the  stead- 
fast attraction  of  interest  it  was  retained  in  the  old 
world;  to  the  forests  of  America  religion  came  as  a  com- 
panion ;  the  American  mind  never  bowed  to  an  idolatry 
of  forms  ;  and  there  was  not  a  prelate  in  the  whole 
English  part  of  the  continent' 

We  have  already  had  occasion  to  allude,  at  some 
length,  to  the  violent  prejudices  which  universally  pre- 
vailed against  the  introduction  of  prelates  into  this  land 
of  freedom. $  Bishop  White  testifies,  that  so  powerful 
was  this  prejudice  against  bishops,  that  '  it  was  impos- 
sible to  have  obtained  the  concurrence  of  a  respectable 

*  The  same  argument  was  urged  about  the  same  time,  in  his  letter 
to  Mr.  Walpole,  on  the  same  subject,  by  archbishop  Seeker,  (see  Crit. 
Coni.  on  this  letter,  p.  14,)  who  says,  that  there  was  a  kindred  con- 
nection between  episcopacy  and  monarchy.     Letter,  p.  25,  Com.  p.  G3. 

t  Hist,  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii.  p.  453. 

I  See  Lect.  on  Apost.  Succ. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM.  155 

nnniber  of  laymen,  in  any  measure  for  the  obtaining  of 
an  American  bishop.'*  And  that  tliis  prejudice  was 
based  partly  on  an  opinion,  '  that  episcojjacy  itself  was 
unfriendly  to  the  political  principles  of  our  republican 
governments,'  is  candidly  allowed  by  the  biographer  of 
Bishop  White. t 

This  opposition,  which  the  whole  past  history  of  pre- 
lacy was  sufficient  to  establish,  Avas  by  no  means  con- 
fined to  other  denominations,  but  was  extensively  preva- 
lent among  episcopalians  themselves.  Bishop  White 
states,  that  such  were  the  prejudices,  even  of  ejnscopalians, 
'  against  the  name,  and  much  more  against  the  office,  of 
bishop,'  that,  but  for  the  introduction  of  the  laity  into  the 
government  of  the  church,  no  general  organization  could 


^  Mem.  of  Prot.  Episc.  Church,  p.  4S.  This  is  admitted  by  Doctor 
Hawks,  in  his  remarks  on  Canon  xxi.  of  the  Episcopal  church, 
where  he  says,  [Constitutions  and  Canons,  p.  215,  N.  Y.  1841.]  'the 
effect  of  the  American  revolution  upon  the  church  had  been,  to  attach 
to  it  no  small  share  of  odium,  and  few  cared  to  enrol  themselves 
among  the  clergy  of  a  connmunion,  small  in  numbers,  and  the  object 
also  of  popular  dislike.  I^rejudice,  too,  served  to  perpetuate  ignorance 
of  the  opinions  and  views  of  the  Episcopal  church,  (or,  as  it  was  then 
more  usually  called,  the  church  of  England.)  and,  without  inquiry, 
many  cast  a  suspicious  glance  at  a  church,  which  was  not  horror- 
stricken  at  the  bare  thought  of  the  prelatical  abomination  of  bishops, 
and  considered  her  as  nothing  less  than  the  legitimate  offspring  of 
that  naughty  mother,  the  scarlet  lady,  that  sitteih  on  the  seven  hills.' 

t  Dr.  Wilson's  Mem.  p.  9.3.  In  illustration  of  the  force  of  that  ex- 
treme and  bitter  prejudice  which  existed  in  every  portion  of  the  Brit- 
ish colonies  against  the  introduction  of  bishops,  the  following  inci- 
dent is  related  in  Mr.  Blackburne's  Critical  Commentary  on  arch- 
bishop Seeker's  Letter  to  Mr.  Walpole.  In  1740,  Mr.  Hooper,  one  of 
the  Council  of  Barbadoes,  was  introduced  to  bishop  Sherlock  in  Lon- 
don, and  after  relating  an  instance  of  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  the 
commissary,  he  said,  [p.  40,]  '  And  now,  my  Lord,  will  you  send  a 
bishop  to  us,  w^ho  will  have  this,  and  greater  powers  V  His  Lordship 
answered,  '  It  is  not  I  that  send  bishops  to  America,  it  is  the  society 
for  propagating  the  gospel  in  foreign  parts,  who  are  the  movers  of  this 
matter.'  Mr.  Hooper  replied,  '  I  do  not  care  who  are  the  movers,  but 
this  1  can  with  confidence  assure  your  Lordship,  that  if  ever  a  bisnop 
sets  foot  on  our  island,  the  people  will  toss  him  into  the  sea.'  On 
this  controversy  respecting  the  American  episcopate,  some  interesting 
information  will  be  found  in  Dr.  Miller's  Life  of  Dr.  Rogers,  p.  185, 
first  edition,  and  an  address  on  the  subject,  by  the  convention  organ- 
ized for  the  purpose  of  defeating  the  project,  at  p.  189. 


156  ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM. 

probably  have  been  formed.*  And  while  this  opposition 
to  the  episcopate  was  thus  powerful  every  where,  it  was 
peculiarly  so  in  South  Carolina.  '  Here,'  says  bishop 
White,  '  most  was  to  be  apprehended,  an  opposition  to 
THE  VERY  PRINCIPLE  OF  EPISCOPACY. 'f  It  was,  therefore, 
feared,  that  the  churches  in  this  State  would  not  comply 
with  the  invitation  to  unite  in  the  proposed  organization, 
and  '  the  danger  was '  only  '  warded  off'  by  a  proposal 
to  accompany  their  compliance  with  an  express  proviso, 

*  THAT    THERE    WAS     TO     BE     NO    BISHOP     SETTLED    IN    THAT 

State. 'I 

That  episcopalians  more  generally  espoused  the  British 
cause,  in  the  revolutionary  struggle,  than  presbyterians, 
is  candidly  admitted  by  bishop  White,  who  says,  that  of 
those  who  were  thus  inclined,  '  a  great  proportion  were 
episcopalians.''}  In  New  England,  the  episcopal  clergy 
were  royalists,  almost  to  a  man. II  In  being  so,  they  only 
acted  according  to  their  principles  ;  for  it  had  been,  up  till 
then,  an  established  maxim,  that  prelacy  and  monarchy 
were  collateral  terms,  and  promotive  of  one  another.  And 
we  may,  without  vanity,  attribute  wdiatever  of  a  republican 
and  popular  character  is  found  in  the  present  constitution 
of  the  American  Episcopal  church,  to  the  indirect  influence 
of  presbyterianism.^fl  Bishop  White's  plan  for  the  organ- 
ization of  the  church,  in  1762,  in  his  '  Case  of  the  Episco- 
pal Churches  in  the  United  States,  Considered,'  is  obvi- 
ously drawn  from  the  presbyterian  model,  and  as  certainly 
embodies  many  of  the  principles  of  presbyterianism.  And 
that  the  introduction  of  the  laity  into  the  councils  of  the 
episcopal  church,  in  this  country,  and  to  a  full  represent- 


*  Mem.  of  the  Prot.  Ep.  Ch.  p.  78. 
t  Ibid,  p.  91. 

X  Ibid,  p.  91,  and  Dalcho's  History. 

§  Mem.  of  Prot.  Ep.  Ch.  p.  48.     See  also  the  facts  stated  on  pp.  8, 
49,  5S,  59,  60,  78,  97,  105,  106. 

li  See  Dr.  Lang's  Religion  and  Educ.  in  Am.  pp.  71,  83. 
1[  Ibid,  pp.  310,311. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  157 

ation  in  all  its  courts,  was  regarded  as  presbyterian  and 
anti-prelatic,  we  are  well  assured.*  Its  proposal  was 
made  a  ground  of  objection,  and  for  this  very  reason,  by 
the  English  prelates,  when  solicited  to  bestow  the  episco- 
pate.! His  advocacy  of  this  feature  of  the  constitution 
was  also  made  the  foundation  of  a  charge  against  bishop 
White,  that  he  '  entertained  a  design  to  set  up  an  episco- 
pacy, on  the  ground  of  preshyterial  and  lay  authority. '$ 
On  this  account,  also,  was  the  plan  long  opposed  by 
the  episcopal  influence  in  the  State  of  Connecticut.^ 
Bishop  Seabury  '  disapproved  of  submitting  the  gen- 
eral concerns  of  the  American  church  to  any  other  than 
bishops,' II  and  regarded  the  introduction  of  the  laity  as 

'  INCONGRUOUS  TO  EVERY  IDEA  OF  EPISCOPAL  GOVERN- 
MENT.'^ This  is  still  the  opinion  of  many  members  of 
that  church,  including  all  those  who  are  favorable  to  '  the 
antichristian  heresy'**  of  high  churchism,  or,  as  it  is  now 
termed,  Puseyism.  There  is  now  in  existence,  among  all 
such,  an  actual  conspiracy  against  the  rights  of  the  laity, 
as  preserved  in  this  representative  feature  of  the  Amer- 
ican episcopal  church,  which  is  daily  strengthening,  and 
which  is  based  upon  a  deep  and  conscientious  belief  of 
its  irreconcilableness  with  prelatical.  authority,!! 

In  no  case  could  the  character  of  our  church  stand  out 
more  brightly,  than  in  contrast  with  the  present  condition  of 
the  prelacy,  in  reference  to  this  heresy.  She  is  now  endan- 
gered by  the  local  and  Jesuitical  plottings  of  many,  perhaps 
a  full  half,  of  her  professed  members,  who  are  determined 


*  That  presbyterians  exerted  this  influence,  see  stated  by  Dr.  Lang, 
in  Relig.  and  Educ.  in  Amer.  pp.  310,  311. 

t  White's  Mem.  of  Prot.  Ep.  Ch.  pp.  16,  94. 

t  Ibid,  p.  82. 

^  Ibid,  pp.  82,  202. 

II  Ibid.  p.  99. 

IF  Ibid,  p.  345. 

**  The  Churchman's  Monthly  Review  so  terms  it. 

tt  See  the  evidence  presented  in  Lect.  on  the  Apostolic  Succ.  pp. 
309-312. 

14 


158  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLIC ANISM. 

to  Romanize  and  unprotestantize  her  doctrines  and  spirit. 
And  what  can  her  lay-members  —  the  great  staple  of  the 
church  —  what,  in  this  emergency,  can  they  do  ?  They, 
many  of  them,  weep  in  secret  places,  and  mourn  bitterly 
for  the  evil  that  is  coming  upon  them.  But  what  can 
they  do  towards  lifting  up  a  standard  against  this  flood  of 
iniquity  ?  Alas  I  alas  !  They  can  do  no  more,  as  Charlotte 
Elizabeth  has  pitifully  expressed  it,  than  '  drag  into  open 
daylight,'  by  the  aid  of  the  press,  the  guilty  culprits.*  No 
more  than  this  can  they  effect.  And  if  the  leaven  leavens 
the  minds  of  their  bishops  and  clergy,  as  it  is  fast  doing, 
they  have  no  other  refuge,  than  the  bitterness  of  unavail- 
ing sorrow.  And  thus  it  is,  that,  even  in  this  country, 
there  is,  we  find,  no  possibihty  of  lifting  a  voice  or  a 
hand  —  in  a  church  capacity  —  against  those  bishops  and 
clergy,  who  are  spreading  the  infection  of  this  dangerous 
heresy  through  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land. 

Even,  however,  as  the  constitution  of  the  Episcopal 
church  now  stands,  there  is  much  that  is  in  contrariety  to 
all  the  principles  of  repubhcanism,  as  we  shall  proceed 
to  show.  The  people  are  utterly  deprived  of  their  elective 
rights,  the  pastor  being  called  and  retained,  in  any  church, 
not  by  the  people,  but  by  the  vestry,  subject  to  the  appro- 
bation of  the  bishop,  who  may  confirm  or  reject  the  ap- 
pointment.t  '  Under  this  canon,'  says  Dr.  Hawks,  com- 
menting on  canon  34th, J  '  the  bishop  must  summon  all 
the  presbyters  belonging  to  the  diocese,  and  a  majority  of 
the  whole  thus  convened,  may,  with  the  bishop,  decree  a 
separation,  and  prescribe  the  terms.  This  is  an  instance, 
remarkable  in  the  legislation  of  our  church,  for  one  feature ; 
it  allows  to  the  clergy,  as  a  class,  the  privilege  of  deter- 
mining, as  against  the  laity,  when  a  brother  clergyman  has 
been  unjustly  or  harshly  dealt  with,  by  his  congregation; 

*  Peep  into  No.  90,  p.  48. 

t  Constit.  and  Canons  of  Prot.  Ep.  Ch.  by  Dr.  Hawks,  pp.  2G5,  2G9, 
can.  38. 
%  Constit.  and  Canons  of  Prot.  Ep.  Ch.  p.  318,  can.  34. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  159 

and  they  have,  in  fixing  the  terms  of  separation,  the  power 
which,  in  some  instances,  they  have  exercised,  of  decree- 
ing, that  the  congregation  shall  pay  to  the  clergyman  a 
sum  of  money,  as  a  compensation  to  him,  for  the  pecun- 
iary loss  he  sustains,  in  being  driven  to  a  separation  by 
their  conduct.' 

The  whole  spiritual  government  of  the  church  is  vested 
in  each  pastor,  subject  to  the  bishop,  to  the  entire  exclu- 
sion of  the  laity,  thus  recognising  the  doctrine,  that  the 
clergy  constitute  the  church,  and  that  the  people  have  no 
other  province,  than  that  of  dutiful  obedience  to  the  powers 
that  be.  In  this  way,  the  fundamental  principle  of  repub- 
licanism—  the  intervention  of  the  people  in  all  public 
affairs  —  is  overthrown,  and  the  teaching  of  scripture  and 
primitive  antiquity  utterly  set  at  nought*  Lay  elders, 
or  rulers,  in  the  congregation,  chosen  by  the  people,  were, 
in  fact,  originally  designed  for  the  English  church,  and 
rejected  on  the  very  ground  of  their  republican  character 
and  tendency.! 

There  is,  in  the  episcopal  church,  no  code  of  discipline, 
by  which  the  lay  members,  and  '  the  inferior  clergy,'  may 
ascertain  and  limit  the  exercise  of  authority.      '  In  the 


*  '  I  know.'  says  archbishop  Whitgift,  *  that  in  the  primitive  church, 
they  had,  in  every  church,  certain  seniors,  to  whom  the  government  of 
the  congregation  was  committed,  but  that  was  before  there  was  any 
christian  prince  or  magistrate,  that  openly  professed  the  gospel.' 

t  Bishop  Burnet  says,  '  There  were  many  learned  and  pious  divines 
in  the  beginning  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign,  who,  being  driven  beyond 
sea,  had  observed  the  new  model,  set  up  in  Geneva  and  other  places, 
for  the  censuring  of  scandalous  persons,  of  mixed  judicatories  of  the 
ministers  and  laity,  (called  by  the  bishop  a  little  before,  e/(;/f?-s.)and  these, 
reflecting  on  the  great  looseness  of  life  which  had  universally  been 
complained  of  in  King  Edward's  time,  thought  such  a  platform 
might  be  an  effectual  way  for  keeping  out  a  return  of  the  like  disor- 
ders.' The  bishop  tells  also  the  reason,  which  induced  Elizabeth  not 
to  adopt  this.  '  Lord  Burleigh  and  others,  demonstrated  to  her,  that 
these  new  models  would  certainly  bring  with  them  a  great  abatement 
of  her  prerogative  ;  since,  if  the  concerns  of  religion  came  into  popular 
hands,  there  would  be  a  power  set  up,  distinct  from  hers,  over  which 
she  could  have  no  authority.  This  she  perceived  well,  and  there- 
FOB;b  resolved  to  maintain  the  ancient  government  of  the  church' 


160         ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM. 

church,'  says  Dr.  Hawks,*  '  we  may  be  said  to  have  no 
judicial  system.  By  the  constitution,  the  mode  of  trying 
offending  clerg^anen  is  to  be  regulated,  in  each  State,  by 
its  own  rules.  Some  dioceses  have  made  no  rules  at  all. 
Uniformity,  in  judicial  proceeding,  is  therefore  wanting. 
But  there  is  a  greater  evil  than  this  ;  it  is  the  want  of 
uniformity  of  interpretation.  Misera  est  servitas,  ubi  jus 
est  vagum  aut  incertum.  Better  is  it  that  the  law  should 
be  interpreted  erroneously,  so  that  men  may  at  least  have 
certainty,  than  that  it  should  be  held  to  mean  one  thing 
to-day,  and  another  to-morrow.  In  vain  will  any  one  ask 
what  is  the  law  ?  No  man  can  say.  The  convict  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, doubting,  as  well  he  may,  under  such  circum- 
stances, the  propriety  of  his  intended  punishment,  would 
fain  appeal  to  some  tribunal,  competent  to  adjust  con- 
flicting interpretations.  But  where  is  such  a  tribunal  ? 
Nowhere  in  the  church.  If  he  brings  his  case,  by  way  of 
petition,  before  the  general  convention,  that  body  has  no 
right,  under  the  constitution,  to  act  as  a  court  of  appeals. 
If  (as  Ammi  Rogers  did)  he  carries  it  before  the  house 
of  bishops,  as  little  right  have  they  to  sit  as  judges.' 

The  laity  and  '  inferior  clergy,'  are  therefore  at  tlie  mercy 
of  the  bishop ;  having  no  court  of  appeal,  to  which  they 
can  carry  their  case,  when  aggrieved.  *  "We  need,'  says 
Dr.  Hawks, t  '  a  court  of  appeals,  with  power,  authorita- 
tively and  finally,  to  settle  the  true  interpretation  of  the 
constitution  and  canons,  iit  sit  finis  litium! 

Bishops,  in  several  respects,  are  clothed  with  an  abso- 
lute power,  which  is  subversive  of  all  liberty,  and  which 
characterizes  the  system  a  spiritual  despotism,  though 
under  many  present  anomalous  checks.  Thus,  bishops 
are  permanent  governors,  and  not  elective,  and  are,  there- 
fore, monarchs  in  their  respective  dioceses ;    in  perfect 


*  Constit.  and  Canons,  pp.  56,  57. 
t  Constit.  and  Canons,  p.  57. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  161 

contrast  to  the  elective  governors  of  our  states,  and  of  our 
union*  While  thus  despotical in  each  diocese, the  bish- 
ops form  a  senate,  oligarchy,  or  holy  alliance  of  sovereign 
potentates,  in  the  general  convention,  and  all  this  virtute 
officii,  and  not  by  election.!  The  bishops  constitute  also  a 
close  corporation,  no  one  being  admissible  into  their  body, 
however  elected,  without  their  permission  and  concur- 
rence.$  By  the  doctrine  of  apostolical  succession,  it  is 
further  taught,  that  all  ecclesiastical  authority  emanates 
from  these  bishops  through  a  line  of  succession.  They  are, 
therefore,  hereditary  sovereigns.  The  doctrine  of  legit- 
imacy, as  taught  by  European  politicians,  and  by  which 
the  king  or  emperor  was  made  the  fountain  of  power, 
which  flowed  down  in  regular  hereditar}?-  succession,  lies 
at  the  very  root  of  the  apostolic  succession.  It  claims, 
distinctly  and  formally,  that  the  headship  or  sovereignty 
of  Jesus  Christ,  has  been  transferred  to  the  apostles,  and 
has  flowed  down  from  them  through  their  lineal  succes- 
sors, who  are  styled  ajDostolic  bishops.  Now  this  we  pro- 
claim to  be  just  as  great  an  usurpation,  as  if  presidents, 
governors,  and  judges,  &c.  were  to  claim  to  appoint  their 
successors,  and  to  transfer  their  power  to  them.   It  is  a  direct 


*  In  an  old  work, '  The  case  of  the  Accommodation  Examined,' the 
writer,  in  commenting  on  the  greater  power  of  a  permanent  over  a  tem- 
porary president,  remarks,  at  p.  107,  (See  also  p.  Ill,  where  he  fully 
draws  out  the  contrast,)  '  "What  difference  lawyers  do  make, /^zferewni 
qui  jure  suo  et  ilium  qui  bcneficio  tantum  alieno  jurisdictioncm  habet,  a.nd 
what  a  latitude  of  power  is  by  them  assigned  to  the  former,  which  unto 
the  second,  for  this  very  cause  they  make  incompetent,  is  not  for  one 
to  dip  further  into,  than  may  conduce  for  the  illustration  of  common 
reason.  Only,  as  he  who  is  elected  to  an  ordinary  office  of  fixed  pres- 
idency, ad  vitam,  may  well  and  truly  be  said  to  be  jure  suo  prseses, 
whereas  the  other,  who  is  thereto  chosen  by  a  commission,  as  it  were, 
during  pleasure,  and  no  longer,  doth  by  the  same  rule,  alieno  tantum 
beneficio  prasidere  ;  so,  that  this  fixedness,  imported  by  the  jus  suum, 
arising  from  the  investiture  of  the  office,  doth  considerably  advance  the 
Episcopus  Prosscs,  and  discriminate  him  from  a  moderator,  nominate 
only  during  pleasure,  and  absolutely  depending  upon  the  bmeplacitum 
of  his  constituent,  needeth  no  further  explication.' 

t  Constit.  and  Canons,  p.  52. 

X  Ibid,  p.  305.  Can.  32. 

14# 


162  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

usurpation  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
who  is  the  only  source  and  fountain  of  authority  in  the 
church  .=^ 

Like  all  despotic  kings,  the  bishops  have  a  negative  on 
all  the  acts  of  the  general  convention,  and  can  thus  exer- 
cise dominion  over  any  number  less  than  four-fifths  of  that 
congress  of  the  churches.  '  In  the  general  convention  of 
September,  1789,  bishop  Seabury,  with  the  churches  under 
his  care,  came  into  the  union,  but  not  until  a  change  had 
been  made  in  this  article.  They  made  it  a  condition,  that 
this  article  should  be  so  modified,  as  '  to  declare  explicitly 
the  rights  of  the  bishops,  when  sitting  in  a  separate  house, 
to  originate  and  propose  acts  for  the  concurrence  of  the 
other  house  of  convention  ;  and  to  negative  such  acts  pro- 
posed by  the  other  house,  as  they  may  disapprove.'  This 
modification  was  agreed  to.  Finally,  in  1808,  the  change 
was  made,  and  the  words  *  unless  adhered  to  by  four- 
fifths  of  the  other  house,'  were  stricken  out.  The  article 
was  then  left  in  its  present  form,  as  ah-eady  set  forth. 
Thus  was  a  veto  given  to  the  house  of  bishops.  In  one  of 
the  dioceses,  and  one  only,  a  canon  has  been  passed, 
giving  the  bishop  an  ahsoltite  veto  on  the  acts  of  his  own 
convention.  In  congress,  two  thirds  may  pass  a  law, 
notwithstanding  it  has  been  returned  with  the  veto  of  the 
president.  In  the  diocese  alhided  to,  the  veto  of  the 
bishop  is  conclusive,  and  a  unanimous  vote  of  the  conven- 
tion ivould  not  pass  the  ca7ion.  It  is  easy  to  see  how  the 
veto  power,  here,  may  make  the  convention  a  mere  body 
for  registering  episcopal  edicts.'! 

The  bishops,  also,  in  order  to  dignify  their  sovereignties, 
are  clothed  with  the  titles  becoming  imperial  grandeur 
and  importance.  '  They  take  their  titles  from  the  different 
civil  commonwealths,  over  which  they   hold  dominion. 


*  See  Duffield's  Letters  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  McCoskry.  Letter  13th. 
t  Constit.  and  Canons,  by  Dr.  Hawks,  pp.  24,  26,  56. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  163 

This  is  a  step  beyond  European  prelacy.  The  EngHsh 
bishops,  it  has  been  said,  take  their  titles,  not  from  the 
countries  over  which  their  dioceses  extend,  but  from  the 
cities  in  which  are  their  palaces  and  cathedrals.  Thus, 
we  have  the  archbishop  of  York,  not  of  Yorkshire  ;  the 
bishop  of  Chester,  not  of  Cheshire.  The  catholic  arch- 
bishop in  the  United  States,  is  content  to  add  the  city  of 
Baltimore  to  his  title,  and  bishop  Fenwick  calls  himself 
bishop  of  Boston,  not  of  Massachusetts.  But  American 
episcopacy  assumes  a  loftier  soul.  The  smallest  number 
of  episcopal  ministers  in  any  .one  of  our  States,  is  seven; 
the  largest,  that  is,  in  New  York,  is  two  hundred  and 
ninety-seven.  We  concede  the  right  of  these  ministers, 
with  their  flocks,  to  put  one  minister  over  them  all,  and 
to  call  him  their  bishop,  but  how  the  individual  thus  ap- 
pointed becomes  bishop  of  one  of  our  States,  we  cannot 
conceive.' 

*  It  is  well  to  consider  '  whereunto  such  things  may  grow.' 
From  this  fashion  of  adopting  titles  from  our  civil  common- 
wealths, taken  in  connection  with  the  fact,  that,  by  fortu- 
itous circumstances,  our  national  chaplaincies,  with  few 
exceptions,  are  filled  by  episcopal  ministers,  it  seems  to 
us  by  no  means  impossible,  that  the  members  of  other 
denominations  may  yet  come  to  be  called,  even  in  this 
free  land,  by  the  odious  title  of  dissenters.  We  are  even 
now  indiscriminately  branded  as  sectarians,  and  this  by  a 
party,  which,  sixty  years  ago,  felt  obliged  to  send  men 
across  the  ocean  for  consecration,  in  order  that  their 
ministry  might  be  perpetuated  on  this  continent.''^ 

*The  (Boston)  Christian  Register.  That  these  titles  are  already 
in  extensive  circulation,  we  have  proved  in  Lect.  on  Apost.  Succ.  pp. 
323,  324,  &c.  An  identity  of  interest  is  therefore  claimed  with  Eng- 
land. See  Origin  and  Compil.  of  the  Prayer  Book.  Philad.  1841.  p.  75. 
What  are  we  to  think,  when  we  hear  this  same  American  clergyman, 
in  the  same  work,  p.  101,  feelingly  bewail  the  inflicted  penalty  of  a 
nation's  wronged,  and  insulted,  and  oppressed  people,  on  '  England's 
first  Charles,  her  martyred  king,  and  England's  best  friend  and 
BISHOP,  her  fnartyrcd  Laud.'  See,  on  the  character  of  Laud,  Lend. 
Christ.  Obs.  1837,  pp.  175,  3S1,  407,  518,  837. 


164  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

In  all  societies  there  is  a  tendency  to  centralization  of 
power.  This  is  to  be  obviated  only  by  the  formation  of 
several  centres  and  distinct  bodies,  having  a  division  of 
power.*'  This  tendency,  which  is  inherent  in  prelacy, 
was  only  held  in  check  in  primitive  times,  '  by  the  multi- 
tude and  smallness  of  dioceses  ;t  and  in  modern  times, 
by  lodging  the  supreme  power  in  the  king  and  parlia- 
ment.$  But,  in  this  country,  the  dioceses  of  bishops  are 
cmjnres,  and  there  is  no  check  to  the  rapid  centralization 
of  both  government  and  administration  in  their  hands. 

The  jurisdiction  assigned  to  bishops  is  found  to  be  cor- 
respondent to  their  sovereignty.  No  clergyman,  however 
unworthy,  can  be  deposed,  but  by  the  bishops.^  They 
have  the  sole  discretionary  power  of  dispensing,  in  the 
case  of  candidates  for  the  ministry,  with  the  knowledge 
of  the  Hebrew.ll  A  candidate  for  the  ministry  can  only 
apply  for  admission  to  the  bishop  in  whose  diocese  he 
may  live,  and  who  may  have  a  prejudice  against  him  ; 
nor  can  he  apply  to  any  other  bishop  for  ordination, 
'without  the  permission  of  the  former.'^  The  bishop, 
too,  can  refuse  orders  to  any  individual  whom  he  may 
judge  guilty  of  contumacy  towards  him  ;=^*  and,  if  rejected 
in  one  diocese,  this  poor  victim  of  persecution  will  be 
probably  rejected  in  all. ft  The  bishop  can  even  prevent 
deacons  from  removing  to  another  diocese,  in  which  they 
may  have  a  field  of  labor  opened  up  to  them,  and  thus 
compel  them  to  remain  where  they  have  nothing  to  do, 

*  See  London  Quart.  Rev.  Dec.  1839.  p.  74;  and  Tocquev.  Dem. 
vol.  i.  p.  90. 

t  Ibid,  p.  74. 

X  Ibid,  pp.  74,  S3  -  85. 

\  Constit.  and  Canons,  p.  33,   Can.  6. 

II  Ibid,  p.  140,   Can.  9. 

IT  Ibid,  pp.  130,  142,  Can.  9. 

=**  Const,  and  Canons,  p.  1G4,  Can.  12. 

tt  Ibid,  p.  167.  See  also  Wilson's  Sacra  Privata,  pp.  221,  235,  and 
Burnet's  Vind.  of  the  Ch.  of  Scotl.  p.  182,  where  it  is  also  shown,  that 
bishops  are  the  sole  judge  of  qualifications  for  orders,  and  can  ordain 
at  discretion  and  without  reasons. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    E.EFUELICANISM.  165 

but  wait  upon  his  orders."^  The  bishop  may  confirm 
persons  who  are  not  presented  by  the  clergyman  of  any 
parish,  on  account  of  their  univorthiness  ;  so  that  a 
Puseyite  bishop  may  fill  the  church  with  impenitent 
and  unconverted  men.t  This  he  may  do  by  virtue  of 
another  canon,  which  empowers  the  bishop  to  restore  an 
individual,  who  has  been  debarred  by  any  clergyman 
from  the  communion,  at  his  own  good  pleasure,  if  'he 
think  fit  to  restore  him,  from  the  insufficiency  of  the  cause 
assigned  by  the  minister.'  The  fearful  nature  of  this 
power,  wliich  has  been  exercised  in  this  country, t  Dr. 
Hawks  is  compelled  to  admit.  He  says,^  '  In  the  second 
section  of  this  law,  an  addition  is  made  which  seems  to 
intimate,  that  the  laity  are  not  lightly  to  be  suspected, 
but,  that  a  clergyman  is  likely  so  far  to  forget  his  obhga- 
tions,  as  solemnly  to  exclude  one  of  Christ's  children 
from  Christ's  table,  on  insufiicient  grounds.  There  is 
here  a  shorter  process  also  pointed  out,  in  which,  ivithout 
complaint,  and  ivithout  inquiry,  the  bishop,  who,  after  all, 
in  the  investigation  of  a  matter  of  fact,  is  no  more  than 
any  other  man  and  clergyman,  with  this  disadvantage 
also,  that  he  is  placed  at  a  distance  from  the  scene  of  the 
transaction,  is  expected  to  pronounce  ex-cathedra  upon 
the  case,  more  righteously  and  wisely  than  his  brother- 
clergyman,  who  was  on  the  spot,  and  bound  by  the  most 
solemn  of  all  considerations  to  judge  righteous  judgment. 
Suppose  the  bishop  deems  the  causes  assigned  by  the 
repelling  clergyman  insufficient,  and  reverses  his  act. 
What  is  the  consequence  ?  Not  now  to  speak  of  its 
fastening  upon  the  clergyman  an  enemy,  who  will  feel 
that  he  may  do  much,  because  he  has  the  bishop  on  his 
side,    it  violates  the  established  rights  of  the  parochial 

*  Const,  and  Canons,  by  Dr.  Hawks,  pp.  208,  32S. 

t  Ibid,  p.  256,  Can.  26. 

X  Ibid,  p.  368. 

\  Ibid,  Can.  49,  pp.  363,  364,  365,  3G8. 


166  ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICAXISM. 

clergy,  and  overturns  a  fixed  principle  in  our  ecclesiastical 
polity.      Such  a  restoration  by  the  bishop,  of  a  repelled 
communicant,  is  a  virtual  trial  and  condemnation  of  the 
clergyman  who  repelled  him.     It  will  be  a  sad  day  for  the 
church,'  adds  Dr.  Hawks,  *  when  the  clergy,  without  the 
intervention  of  triers  of  their  own  order,  may  be  tried  and 
condemned  by  the  bishop  alone.     The  smallest  approach 
to  such  an  encroachment    should  be  promptly   resisted. 
It  is  of  vast  importance  to  the  well-being  of  the  church, 
to  preserve  their  just  rights  to  that  large  body  of  real 
operatives,  the  parochial  clergy.     Power  always  passes 
slowly  and  silently,  and  without  much  notice,  from  the 
hands  of  the  many  to  the  few ;  and  all  history  shows, 
that   ecclesiastical   domination   grows   up   by  little  and 
little.     Give  to  bishops  the  right,  without  a  formal  trial 
by  their  peers,  virtually  to  condemn  presbyters  in  one 
case ;  and  it  will  surely  come  to  pass,  that  the  day  will 
be  seen  when  precedent  will  be  cited  for  it  in  all  cases. 
Antiquity,  not  primitive  and  genuine  antiquity,  for  that 
a  wise  man  will  respect,  but  manufactured  within  a  few 
hundred  years,  will  be  lugged  in,  and  held  up  as  the  only 
guide  in  ecclesiastical  legislation,  without  remembering, 
that  even  pure  antiquity  must  often  yield  to  the  altered 
state  of  society ;  and  then  come  canons  to  bolster  up  the 
pilfered   poAver,    the    spurious    antiquity,    until   the   bold 
usurpation  has  fenced  itself  round  with  a  wall,  which 
even  truth  may  long  assault  in  vain.     The  overwhelming 
tyranny,  from  which  the  reformation  freed  the  protestant 
church,  grew  up  by  this  paiilatim  process.'     Does  not  Dr. 
Hawks  here  designedly  picture  the  present  rapid  growth 
of  this  prelatical  power  ? 

T]ie  bishop  may  further  prevent  any  congregation  from 
settling  the  minister  chosen  for  them,  by  their  vestry.* 
The  bishop,  therefore,  is,  in  reahty,  the  grand  patron 

*  Const,  and  Canons,  p.  279,  Can.  30. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  167 

of  all  the  churches  in  his  diocese,  which  are  thus  in  his 
gift.^  And,  supposing  the  existing  clergy,  or  a  majority 
of  them,  in  any  diocese,  to  have  become  leavened  with 
the  high-church  heresy,  there  is  no  possibility  of  any 
reformation,  if  the  powers  secured  to  the  bishop  are 
rigidly  exercised,  since  no  minister  can  preach  in  any 
other  church  than  his  own  without  leave,  nor  can  any 
new  church  be  built  without  similar  license.!  A  man, 
too,  when  once  made  bishop,  and  when  he  has  thus 
received  the  indelible,  invisible  mark  of  episcopal  grace* 
IS  absolutely  shut  up  to  the  necessity  of  continuing  in 
office,  however  unworthy,  or  unfit,  he  may  prove  or  find 
himself  to  be.$  The  bishop  alone  can  displace  ministers, 
and  separate  a  useful,  holy,  and  evangelical  clergyman 
from  a  loving  people,  as  has  been  done  in  many  recent 
cases  in  England  and  Scotland.^  But,  further,  no  de- 
graded minister,  however  penitent,  can  ever  be  restored  ;l| 
so  that,  were  this  the  only  church  in  this  country,  an  in- 
jured individual  might  be  thus  crushed  and  destroyed 
without  appeal  or  remedy. 

A  bishop  can  exercise  his  despotic  power  even  over 
a  minister  connected  with  another  diocese,  who  may  be 
on  a  visit  to  his  own.  Such  a  minister,  should  he  dare 
to  preach,  or  otherwise  attempt  to  do  good,  in  any  way 
which  may  be  deemed  by  the  bishop  to  be  improper,  or 
contrary  to  rule,  '  the  bishop  may,  uimn  j^i'ohahle  cause,^ 

*  Constit.  and  Canons,  p.  285. 

t  Ibid,  pp.  293-295. 

J  Ibid,  pp.  301,  303.  'So  far,'  says  Dr.  Hawks,  'as  our  research 
has  extended,  this  law  is  without  a  precedent  in  the  history  of  the 
christian  church.  We  may  be  mistaken,  but  we  believe  that  ours  is 
the  first  church  in  Christendom,  that  ever  legislated  for  the  express 
purpose  of  preventing  episcopal  resignations;  for  this  canon  prescribes 
so  many  restrictions,  that  the  obstacles  render  it  almost  impossible 
for  a  bishop  to  lay  down  his  jurisdiction.  The  matter  is  one  which 
the  practice  of  the  church  has  heretofore  left  to  be  settled  between 
God  and  the  conscience  of  the  bishop  ;  and  it  may  well  be  ques- 
tioned, whether  it  be  not  best,  in  all  cases,  there  to  leave  it' 

§  Ibid,  p.  346,   Can.  3S.  ||  Ibid,  p.  350. 

T  Constit.  and  Canons,  p.  355,   Can.  40. 


168  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

admonish  such  a  clergyman,  and  forbid  him  to  officiate  in 
the  said  diocese.  And  if,  after  such  prohibition,  the  said 
clergyman  so  officiate,  the  bishop  shall  give  notice  to  all 
the  clergy  and  congregations  in  said  diocese,  that  the 
officiating  of  the  said  clergyman  is,  under  any,  and  all 
circumstances,  prohibited ;  and  like  notice  shall  be  given 
to  the  bishop,  or,  if  there  be  no  bishop,  to  the  standing 
committee  of  the  diocese  to  which  the  clergyman  be- 
longs. And  such  prohibition  shall  continue  in  force,  until 
the  bishop  of  the  jirst-named  diocese  be  satisfied  of  the  inno- 
cence of  the  said  clergyman,  or  until  he  be  acquitted  on 
trial.'  And  for  what  reason  is  all  this  tremendous  power 
vested  in  the  hands  of  a  man,  who  may  be  a  Puseyite 
heretic,  and  to  whom  all  effi^rts  to  promote  pure  and  un- 
defiled  religion  may  be  a  criminal  offi3nce  ?  Let  Doctor 
Hawks  himself  answer.  '  "We  must  clearly  understand,' 
says  he,  '  what  the  offence  is  for  which  the  visiting  cler- 
gyman, who  has  broken  a  particular  canon  of  another 
diocese,  is  tried ;  he  is  not  called  to  account  so  much  for 
the  ill  consequences,  which  may  result  from  the  breaking 
of  that  canon,  as  he  is  for  violating  the  great  principle 
of  a  due  respect  for  the  lawful  ecclesiastical  authority  of 
the  region  in  which  he  is  sojourning.  Insiihordiyiation 
is  his  crime,  rather  than  the  violation  of  a  particular 
measure,  founded  on  a  particular  policy.' 

Further,*'  the  bishop  of  each  diocese  may  compose 
forms  of  prayer,  or  thanksgiving,  as  the  case  may  require, 
for  extraordinary  occasions,  and  transmit  them  to  each 
clergyman  within  his  diocese,  whose  duty  it  shall  be,  to 
use  such  forms  in  his  church  on  such  occasions.  A 
bishop  may  thus,  as  was  done  not  long  since,  prescribe 
to  protestant  clergymen  a  form  of  prayer  for  a  sick 
Roman  catholic  bishop,  to  be  offered  up  in  the  congrega- 
tions, and  in  which  he  is  recognised  as  a  true  bishop  of 

*  Constit.  and  Canons,  p.  386,  Can.  367. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  169 

the  true  church,  in  express  contradiction  of  the  homilies  * 
and  by  which  all  the  corruptions  of  popery  are  una- 
voidably encouraged,  and  implicitly  approved. 

That  these  principles,  which  we  have  now  developed, 
must  necessarily  lead  to  intolerance,  and  that  they  have 
already  done  so  in  this  country,  we  have  abundantly 
proved  elsewhere.!  And  that  the  rights  and  privileges 
of  '  the  laity  and  inferior  clergy,'  will  be  more  and  more 
destroyed,  in  proportion  as  the  number  and  influence  of 
the  bishops  increase,  we  most  fully  believe.  Already 
they  are  very  bold.  Witness  the  attack  of  bishop  De 
Lancey,  upon  the  popular  and  republican  constitution  of 
the  board  of  missions  of  the  episcopal  church,  which  has 
hitherto  been  modelled  upon  the  plan  of  our  presbyterian 
board,  by  admitting  all  its  members  to  an  equal  partici- 
pation in  its  management.  The  bishop  says,  '  another 
defect  is,  that  it  contains  no  provision  by  which  the 
rights  and  feelings  of  the  bishops  in  those  dioceses, 
wherein  the  missionaries  of  the  board  labor,  are  secured 
against  an  extraneous  influence  and  interference,  on  the 
part  of  the  secretaries  of  the  board,  in  their  correspond- 
ence with  the  missionaries.  But  a  still  more  serious 
objection  occurs  to  the  present  organization,  arising  out  of 
the  relation  to  it  which  the  bishops  of  the  church  are 
compelled  to  hold.  In  the  General  Theological  Semin- 
ary, the  bishops  may,  at  any  time,  demand  in  the  board  a 
vote  by  orders,  in  which  case  a  concurrence  is  necessaiy ; 
and  are  thus  secured  against  being  committed  to  any 
measure  or  opinion,  by  the  force  of  the  vote  of  a  ma- 
jority. That  institution,'  he  adds,  '  which  challenges 
the  love  and  liberality  of  every  member  of  the  household 
of  faith,  that  institution  is  modelled  on  the  congregational 
(that  is,  presbyterian)  platform  of  placing  layman,  deacon, 

*  See  Taylor's  Ancient  Christ,  vol.  ii.  part  viii.  where  this  is  fully 
shown. 

t  Lect.  on  the  Apost.  Succ.  Lect.  xiii.  p.  299,  &c. 
15 


170  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

priest,  and  bishop,  on  the  arena  of  debate ;  where  the 
most  skilful,  bold,  zealous,  and  fluent,  will  predominate, 
and  where  the  opinion  of  the  presiding  bishop  of  the 
church  has  no  more  practical  weight,  when  questions  are 
brought  to  a  vote,  than  that  of  the  youngest  deacon  or 
youngest  layman,  that  ma^r  happen  to  be  voted  into  either 
committee,  to  fill  a  vacancy  within  a  week  before  the 
meeting  of  the  board.  The  members  of  the  house  of 
bishops,  as  a  body,  are  as  little  disposed  as  qualified,  to 
carry  on  debates  in  a  popular  assembly,  and  yet,  unless 
they  will  consent  to  the  exposiue  and  trials  of  such  a 
scene,  they  must  consent  to  lose  the  weight  of  their  sen- 
timents in  the  board,  or  to  seek  peace  by  surrendering 
the  conduct  of  the  institution  to  whomsoever  will  under- 
take to  lead  it.'^ 

Surely,  if  a  straAV  will  show  which  way  the  wind 
blows,  there  is  enough  in  this  public  declaration  to  dis- 
cover the  ultimate  tendencies  of  prelacy  in  this  country, 
and  its  innate  antipathy  to  republican  rights.  There  is 
not  one  essential  principle  of  republicanism  which  it  does 
not  oppose  and  controvert ;  —  the  rights  of  the  people,  the 
equality  of  all  members  of  the  church,  in  their  original 
character,  the  church  as  constituted  by  the  whole  people, 
to  whom  all  power  was  originally  given,  the  elective  and 
representative  rights  of  the  people,  the  right  of  the  ma- 
jority to  govern  and  direct  the  interests  of  the  community, 
the  responsibility  of  all  officers  to  the  people,  and  the 
election  of  all  ministers  by  them.  —  these,  and  all  the 
other  fundamental  principles  of  republicanism,  the  consti- 
tution of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  in  this  country 
entirely  overthrows.  In  no  proper  sense  is  it  a  govern- 
ment of  the  people,  either  as  it  regards  parishes,  dioceses, 
or  the  general  convention.     The  laity  are  systematically 

*  Address  to  the  Convention  in  1S42,  in  CharL  Gospel  Messenger, 
Nov.  1&42. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  171 

crushed.     The  little  power  they  now  have,  is  regarded  as 
anomalous,'^  and  is  constantly  diminishing.! 

The  general  government  of  this  church  is,  therefore, 
altogether  diflerent  from  that  of  our  republic.  It  is  not  a 
union  of  independent  confederated  States,  it  is  a  consoli- 
dated government.  By  the  constitution  of  the  Protestant 
Episcopal  Church  in  this  country,  each  several  diocese 
surrendered,  '  first,  such  an  exercise  of  independency  as 
would  permit  them  to  withdraw  from  the  union  at  their 
own  pleasure,  and  without  the  assent  of  the  other 
dioceses  ;  secondly,  they  surrendered  the  right  of  having 
the  bishop,  whom  they  might  elect,  consecrated  without 
the  assent  of  the  church  at  large. 'J  Now,  while  it  is  of 
course  impossible  to  form  any  union,  under  any  form  of 
government,  without  surrendering  many  original  and 
inherent  rights,  for  the  sake  of  other  and  greater  privi- 
leges ;  yet,  it  will  be  granted,  that  the  perfection  of  any 
government,  consists  in  securing  to  its  members  all  such 
advantages,  with  the  least  possible  sacrifice  of  their  per- 
sonal rights,  or  restraint  in  their  free  exercise.  Now, 
it  is  at  once  apparent,  that  the  rights  here  said  to  be  sur- 
rendered, are  very  essential  to  freedom  and  independence, 
and  that  their  surrender  places  each  member  of  the  con- 
federation in  a  condition  oi  necessary  dependency  upon  all 
the  rest     So  much  so,  indeed,  that,  while  bound  to  con- 

*  See  Lect.  on  the  Apost.  Succ.  Lect.  xiii. 

t  Paley  adduces,  as  one  of  his  four  arcfuments  for  the  distinction  of 
orders  in  the  English  church,  that  in  them  the  church,  [Works,  vol.  vi. 
pp.  95  and  96,]  may  be  considered  '  as  stationing  ministers  of  religion 
in  the  various  ranks  of  civil  life.  The  distinctions  of  the  clergy 
ought,  in  some  measure,  to  correspond  vv'ith  the  distinctions  of  lay- 
society,  in  order  to  supply  each  class  of  the  people  with  a  clergy  of 
their  own  level  and  description,  with  whom  they  may  live  and  asso- 
ciate upon  terms  of  equality.  This  reason  is  not  imaginary  nor 
insignificant.' 

X  Dr.  Hawks  in  Constit.  of  Prot.  Epis.  Ch.  And  yet,  so  badly 
has  bishop  McCoskry  learned  the  nature  of  that  sect  to  which  he  has 
given  in  his  blind  adherence,  that  he  actually  brings  forward  '  the 
independence  of  the  several  dioceses '  as  'analogous  to  the  independ- 
ence of  the  several  States.'     See  Durfield  on  Episcop.  p.  52,  Appendix. 


172  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

tiniie  with  them,  it  cannot,  without  them,  by  its  own 
choice,  perpetuate  its  own  institutions.  The  perfect  lib- 
erty enjoyed  by  every  synod  or  presbytery,  to  withdraw 
from  union  with  the  church  upon  sufficient  grounds,  and 
the  entire  sufficiency  of  every  such  body  to  perpetuate 
itself,  to  admit,  ordain,  and  govern  its  own  ministers  ; 
and  that  without  any  external  interference  from  any  other 
portion  of  the  church,  or  any  subserviency  whatever, 
must  therefore  be  allowed  to  speak  forth  the  praise  of 
our  free  and  happy  presbyterian  constitution. 

These  facts,  in  the  constitution  of  the  protestant  epis- 
copal church  in  this  country,  drawn  from  unquestionable 
sources,  we  submit,  with  but  little  remark,  to  our  readers. 
They  will,  doubtless,  be  as  astounding  to  many,  as  they 
were,  when  first  discovered,  to  ourselves.  We  had  con- 
fidently believed,  that  this  church  had  imbibed  much  of 
the  free  spirit  of  our  presbyterian  system.  And  by  its 
own  loud  and  continual  boasting,  we  had  been  assured 
that  it  was  the  very  perfection  of  ecclesiastical  republi- 
canism. The  truth,  therefore,  should  be  made  known. 
It  will  be  as  mournful  to  a  large  portion  of  that  church  as 
it  is  to  ourselves,  and  may  serve  to  increase  that  timely 
watchfulness  and  jealousy  of  prelatical  encroachments, 
which  will  secure  the  endangered  rights  of  her  clerical 
and  lay  members. 


SECTION    III. 


The  anti-repuhlicanism  of  Jdgh-churchism. 

The  monarchical  and  anti-republican  character  of  high- 
churchism,  whether  in  England  or  America,  needs  not  a 
great   amount   of  proof       The    Anglican   church,   '  con- 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  173 

tiiiued  to  be,'  says  Macauley,'^  '  for  more  than  a  hunclred 
and  fifty  years,  the  servile  handmaid  of  monarchy,  the 
steady  enemy  of  pubHc  liberty.  The  divine  right  of 
kings,  and  the  duty  of  passively  obeying  all  their  com- 
mands, were  her  favorite  tenets.  She  held  them  firmly 
through  times  of  oppression,  persecution,  and  licentious- 
ness ;  while  law  was  trampled  down,  while  judgment 
was  perverted,  while  the  people  were  eaten  as  though 
they  were  bread.  Once,  and  but  once  —  for  a  moment, 
and  but  for  a  moment,  when  her  own  dignity  and  property 
were  touched,  she  forgot  to  practice  the  submission 
which  she  had  taught.' 

Again,  he  says,t  '  The  royal  prerogative  had  been 
magnified  to  the  skies  in  theological  works  ;  the  doctrine 
of  passive  obedience  had  been  preached  from  innumer- 
able pulpits.  The  university  of  Oxford  had  sentenced 
the  works  of  the  most  moderate  constitutionalists  to  the 
flames.  The  accession  of  a  catholic  king,  the  frightful 
cruelties  committed  in  the  west  of  England,  never  shook 
the  steady  loyalty  of  the  clergy.  But  did  they  serve  the 
king  for  nought  ? ' 

This  general  character  of  the  hierarchy,  the  whole 
history  of  the  Anglican  prelacy  abundantly  confirms. 
The  English  reformers  regarded  no  form  of  church  gov- 
ernment as  of  divine  institution.  They  chose  prelacy, 
because  it  was  best  adapted  to  a  monarchy.  In  strict 
conformity  to  the  English  parliament,  as  constituted  of 
lords  and  commons,  the  church  possessed  her  two  estates 
in  the  upper  and  lower  houses  of  her  convocation ;  the 
laity,  however,  being  carefully  excluded.J  And  as,  by 
its  nature,  a  monarchy  requires  a  supreme  head,  each  pre- 
late was  recognised  as  the  one  supreme  governor  in  his 
diocese  ;  and  the  king  as  head  over  all,  to  whom  unquali- 

*  Miscellanies,  vol.  i.  p.  249. 
t  Ibid,  p.  312. 

X  Dr.  Nolan's  Cath.  Char,  of  Christ,  pp.  156,  161, 167. 
15^ 


174  ECCLESIASTICAL    RETUBLICANISM. 

ficd  submission,  from  all  the  members  of  the  church,  was 
required.  All  spiritual  authority,  on  the  part  of  the 
church,  was,  therefore,  abjured*  Every  canon,  how- 
ever, passed  by  the  church,  was  absolutely  null,  till  sanc- 
tioned by  the  throne. t  And  the  very  highest  power  pos- 
sessed by  the  church,  of  denouncing  under  the  greater 
excommunication,  was,  and  is,  rendered  absolutely  void, 
by  a  general  act  of  pardon  delivered  from  the  throne, 
without  even  the  formality  of  an  absolution. 

And  Vv^hy  was  it  that  these  principles  were  allowed  to 
remain  in  the  reformed  church  of  England  ?  No  truer 
reason  can  be  given,  than  that  presented  by  its  advocate, 
the  Rev.  F.  W.  Faber,  in  his  tract  on  the  reformation. t 
'  Yet  how,'  he  asks,  '  was  the  reformation  brought  about? 
Entirely  by  the  clergy.  The  people  never  were  consulted 
in  the  matter.  No  'popular  assembly  was  held.  Nothing 
teas  put  to  vote.  Their  consent  was  never  asked.  In  all 
probability  it  would  «o^  have  been  given;  for  the  great 
bulk  of  the  people  were  too  ignorant  to  understand  it, 
and  naturally  disinclined  to  change  their  opinions.  So 
also,  in  the  catechism,  the  church  teaches  her  children  to 
obey  their  spiritual  pastors,  and  mastcr.'^.y 

The  act  of  uniformity,  of  Elizabeth,  was  the  founda- 
tion of  the  resuscitated  Anghcan  church.  Now,  by  this 
act,  the  church  was  made  the  tool  and  agent  of  arbitrary 
power  II  It  entirely  subverted  all  freedom,  civil  and 
religious.       All   toleration   was    denied,    and    conformity 

*  Dr.  Nolan's  Cath.  Char,  of  Christ,  pp.  IGO,  IGl. 

t  Ibid,  p.  1G3. 

J  No.  151  of  Prot.  Ep.  Tr.  Soc.  p.  5. 

\  '  Thus  we  see,  adds  he,  what  judgment  the  reformation  would  have 
passed  upon  congregations  censuring  the  teachings  of  their  pastors  from 
theirown  private  opinions.  Still  more  do  we  see  what  it  Avould  think  of 
those  rude  and  indecent  criticisms,  passed  by  persons  wholly  unquali- 
fied to  judge,  upon  the  prayer  book,  its  creeds,  and  its  articles,  the 
length  of  its  services,  and  the  language  of  its  doctrinal  statements.' 

II  Hence  have  bishops  been  of  old  denominated  '  the  prince's  led- 
horse.'     Life  of  Melville,  ii.  215. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  175 

enforced  by  persecution,  and  the  most  dreadful  atroci- 
ties.*^ 

In  the  reign  of  James  I,  from  the  period  of  his  apos- 
tacy  from  Calvinism,  'Arminianism,'  says  Dr.  Price,!  'was 
the  badge  of  a  party  which  advocated  the  most  servile 
doctrines,  both  in  politics  and  religion ;  and  had  arrayed 
against  it  all  the  patriotism,  and  much  of  the  learning 
and  piety,  of  the  nation.  The  house  of  commons  com- 
plained of  its  increase  as  a  public  grievance,  and  coupled 
it  in  their  remonstrances  with  popery,  as  an  evil  scarcely 
less  to  be  dreaded.  Their  aversion  to  it  was  fostered 
by  the  alliance  with  civil  despotism,  into  which  its  pro- 
fessors entered,  and  they  were  with  difficulty  restrained 
from  adopting  measures  for  its  suppression.  Judging 
from  a  partial  view  of  the  facts  of  their  own  day,  they 
regarded  the  system  of  Arminius  as  incompatible  with 
political  freedom ;  for  which  it  is  remarked  by  Mr.  Hal- 
lam,  '  they  had  a  sort  of  excuse  in  the  close,  though  acci- 
dental and  temporary  connection,  that  subsisted  between 
the  partisans  of  these  new  speculative  tenets  and  those 
of  arbitrary  power ;  the  churchmen,  wiio  receded  most 
from  Calvinism,  being  generally  the  zealots  of  preroga- 
tive. They  conceived,  also,  that  those  theories,  conforma- 
ble, in  the  main,  to  those  most  countenanced  in  the  church 
of  Rome,  might  pave  the  way  for  that  restoration  of  her 
faith,  which,  from  so  many  other  quarters,  appeared  to 
threaten  them.' 

The  clergy  who  embraced  these  tenets,  lent  them- 
selves to  the  support  of  the  king's  prerogative,  with  a 
zeal  which  entitled  them  to  his  patronage. $  So  early  as 
1G06,  the  convocation  drew  up  a  set  of  canons,  deducing 

^  Brooko's  Hist,  of  Rel.  Lib.  vol.  i.  pp.281,  292,  283-286. 

t  Price's  Hist,  of  Nonconf  vol.  i.  p.  542. 

t  Price,  ibid,  p.  547.  This  was  the  true  reason  of  James's  preference 
for  prelacy.  See  Dr.  Mc  die's  Life  of  Melville,  vol.  i.  pp.  156,  2G4, 
271,304. 


176  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

tlie  origin  of  government  from  the  patriarchial  regimen 
of  families,  and  denouncing  the  more  popular  and  liberal 
views,  whicli  were  becoming  prevalent.  Passive  obedi- 
ence to  the  reigning  monarch  is  inculcated  throughout 
these  canons,  and  anathemas  are  liberally  pronounced  on 
all  who  refuse  it.  The  same  doctrines  were  maintained 
by  the  higher  clergy,  during  the  whole  of  this  reign ; 
towards  the  close  of  which,  the  university  of  Oxford 
pronounced  a  solemn  decree, '  that,  by  the  doctrine  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  it  is  in  no  case  lawful  for  subjects  to 
make  use  of  force  against  their  prince,  nor  to  appear  offen- 
sively or  defensively  in  the  field  against  the  king,  either 
upon  the  score  of  religion,  or  any  other  account  w^hat- 
ever.'  All  doctors,  masters,  and  bachelors  of  law,  and 
physic,  were  to  subscribe  this  article ;  and  all  persons  to 
be  promoted  in  future  to  any  degree,  were  farther 
required  to  take  an  oath,  that  they  not  only  at  present 
detested  the  opposite  doctrines,  but  would  always  con- 
tinue to  be  of  the  same  opinion. "^ 

To  what  did  prelacy  lead  in  Scotland  ?  To  what,  says 
McCrie,i'  it  had  already  led  in  England,  the  establishment 
of  the  English  inquisition,  the  court  of  high  commission. 
This  arbitrary  and  despotical  court,  whose  proceedings  were 
regulated  by  no  fixed  laws,  or  forms  of  justice,  had  the  pow- 
er of  receiving  appeals  from  any  ecclesiastical  judicatory, 
of  calling  before  it  all  persons  accused  of  error,  or  immo- 
rality, and  all  preachers  and  teachers,  in  schools  or 
colleges,  charged  w^ith  speeches  which  were  impertinent, 

*  Bishop  White  remarks,  that  'in  England,  Arminianism  was  con- 
ceived of  as  allied  to  absolute  monarchy,  and  Calvinism  to  popular 
privilege.'  [Mem.  of  Prot.  Ep.  Ch.  p.  55.]  See  also  Dr.  Price's  Hist, 
of  Non  Conf.  vol.  ii.  pp.  9,  29,  241,  and,  as  to  Arminianism.  pp.  31, 
36,  37.  See  the  spirit  and  conduci  of  the  bishops  at  the  Hampton 
Court  Conference,  which  were  at  the  same  time  slavish  and  blas- 
phemous. McCrie's  Life  of  Melville,  vol.  ii.  pp.  198,218,219.  This 
is  also  affirmed  by  Dr.  Wm.  Cook  Taylor,  in  his  Biog.  of  the  age  of 
Eliz.  vol.  ii.  p.  50,  where  he  affirms  that  James  had  reason  for  his  apho- 
rism, '  no  bishop,  no  king.' 

t  Life  of  Melville,  ii.  3S6. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  177 

contrary  to  the  established  order  of  the  church,  or  favor- 
able to  those  who  had  been  confined  or  banished  for 
contemptuous  offences  ;  and,  on  finding  them  guilty,  it  had 
power  to  depose  and  excommunicate,  fine  and  imprison 
them.  The  presence  of  an  archbishop  was  necessary  to 
the  validity  of  all  its  meetings,  and  it  was  easy  for  him 
to  summon  such  associates  as  were  devoted  to  his  will  ; 
so  that  it  was,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  an  episcopal 
court.  As  it  exalted  the  bishops  far  above  any  prelate 
that  ever  was  in  Scotland,  so  it  put  the  king  in  posses- 
sion of  that  which  long  time  he  had  desired,  and  hunted 
for,  to  wit,  the  royal  prerogative,  and  absolute  power  to 
use  the  bodies  and  goods  of  his  subjects  at  his  pleasure, 
without  form  or  process  of  the  common  law ;  so  that  our 
bishops  were  fit  instruments  of  the  overthrow  of  the  freC" 
domx  and  liberty  both  of  the  church  and  realm  of  Scot- 
land. Bishops  became  thus  lords  of  parliament,  privy-coun- 
cil, session,  exchequer,  and  regality,  patrons  of  benefices, 
and  modifiers  of  stipends,  constant  moderators  and  visit- 
ers of  presbyteries,  and  royal  high  commissioners ! 

By  what  means  was  prelacy  introduced  into  Scotland  ? 
By  the  very  same  through  which  it  was  maintained  in 
England,  and  which  have  been  already  described.*  The 
way  in  which  it  was  introduced,  says  Dr.  McCrie,t  ex- 
hibited a  complete  contrast  to  the  introduction  of  the 
ecclesiastical  polity,  which  it  sujiplanted.  Presbytery 
made  its  way  by  the  weapons  of  argument  and  persua- 
sion, without  the  aid  of  civil  power,  which  viewed  its 
progress  with  a  jealous  e^^e,  and  attempted  on  more  than 
one  occasion  to  crush  it.  Its  patrons  avowed  all  that  they 
intended,  and  never  had  recourse  to  falsehood  or  fraud, 
to  accomplish  their  favorite  object.  And  it  had  been 
rooted  in  the  opinions  and  affections  of  the  nation,  long 
before  it  obtained  a  legal  establishment.      Episcopacy, 

=*  Macauley's  Miscell.  vol.  i.  p.  313. 
t  Life  of  Melville,  ii.  391-394. 


178  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

on  the  contrary,  was  the  creature  of  the  state.  It  had 
the  whole  weight  of  the  authority  and  influence  of  the 
crown,  all  along,  on  its  side  ;  and  even  with  this,  it  could 
not  have  prevailed,  or  maintained  its  ground,  without  the 
aid  of  those  arts  to  which  government  has  recourse  for 
carrying  its  worst  and  most  unpopular  measures. 

'  Deceit  and  perfidy,  and  bribery,  were  joined  to  fines 
and  imprisonments,  and  banishments,  and  the  terrors  of 
the  gibbet.  Dissimulation  was  the  grand  engine  by 
wdiicli  the  presbyterian  constitution  was  overthrown. 
While  the  court  disgraced  itself  by  a  series  of  low  and 
over-reaching  tricks,  the  aspiring  clergy  plunged  them- 
selves into  the  deepest  and  most  profligate  perjury. 
They  refused  no  pledge  which  the  jealousy  of  the  church 
courts,  awakened  by  the  measures  of  government,  re- 
quired of  them.  When  engaged  in  a  scheme  for  over- 
throwing the  established  discipline,  they  renewed  the 
assurances  of  their  inviolable  attachment  and  adherence 
to  it.  With  the  most  solemn  asseverations  and  execra- 
tions, they  disclaimed  all  intention  of  bringing  prelacy 
into  the  church,  and  swore  to  observe  '  the  caveats,' 
enacted  to  guard  against  its  admission.  Every  change 
which  was  made  was  declared  to  be  the  only  one  intend- 
ed; but,  no  sooner  had  the  alarm  excited  by  it  been 
allayed,  than  it  was  followed  by  another,  until,  at  last,  the 
whole  system  of  the  hierarchy  was  introduced  and  estab- 
lished, by  the  exertions  of  those  who  had  so  frequently 
disowned  and  abjured  it.  It  is  impossible  to  find  expres- 
sions sufficiently  strong,  in  reprobating  a  scene  of  delibe- 
rate, systematic,  and  persevering  prevarication,  and 
perfidy,  to  which  it  will  not  be  easy  to  find  a  parallel  in 
the  whole  history  of  political  intrigue,  and  which,  as 
practiced  by  church-men,  must  have  had  the  most  perni- 
cious influence  on  rehgion,  by  debasing  the  character  of 
its  ministers,  especially  in  the  estimation  of  the  higher 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  179 

ranks,  whom  they  now  vied  with  in  honors,  and  sought 
to  supplant  in  the  highest  offices  of  the  state.' 

Prelacy  and  monarchy,  are,  in  short,  collateral  terms. 
They  stand  to  each  other  in  the  relation  of  cause  and 
effect,  of  invariable  antecedent  and  consequent.  The 
same  principles  which  led  to  the  extension  of  the  bish- 
op's power  over  all  the  pastors  of  a  diocese,  led  to  the 
establishment  of  an  archbishop,  metropolitan,  patriarch, 
and  pope,  which  is  a  regular  monarchical  scale.  The 
spirit  of  the  system  is  equally  despotic.  It  makes  pre- 
lates the  depositaries  of  all  grace,  the  necessary  media- 
tors between  God  and  man,  the  keepers  of  the  human 
conscience,  the  only  channels  of  grace,  who  are  clothed 
with  all  the  prerogatives  of  heaven.  It  leads,  therefore, 
to  a  state  of  mental  servitude,  and  crouching  supersti- 
tion. It  embodies,  in  fact,  the  fundamental  principles  of 
popery.*  And  if  any  man  is  disposed  to  regard  the  con- 
nections between  popery  and  despotism,  and  between 
prelacy  and  monarchy,  and  between  presbytery  and 
republicanism,  as  incidental,  we  must  appeal  to  their 
analogous  principles,  and  to  their  invariable  tendencies.! 

Hear  the  description  given  of  prelacy  by  bishop  Hicks, 
as  quoted  by  the  Oxford  Tractators.$  '  Can  you,  sir, 
when  you  consider  that  bishops  are  appointed  to  succeed 
the  apostles,  and,  hke  them,  to  stand  in  Christ's  place, 
and  exercise  their  kingly,  priestly,  and  prophetical  office 

*  See  Lect.  on  Apos.  Succ.  Lect.  xi.  xii. 

tThis  connection,  as  founded  upon  certain  analogous  principles,  will 
be  found  ur2;ed  by  Woodijate,  in  his  Bampton  Lectures  for  1&39,  p.  20. 
See  also  349,  3.50,  3-51.  He  contends,  that  the  connection  '  is  not  mere- 
ly one  of  analogy,  but  also  of  principle,'  and  on  p.  351,  352,  he  shows 
the  several  points  of  correspondence  between  democracy  and  dissent. 
Huber  says,  '  the  monarchical  principle  .  .  .  involves  the  conditions 
of  a  natural  confederacy  with  those  principles,  interests,  customs, 
and  peculiarities,  which  in  later  times  were  distinguished  as  high-church, 
and  a  natural  idiosyncrasy  against  the  opposite  religious  develop- 
ment.' Die  Englischen  Universitaten,  &c.  in  Hoffman's  Anglo  Prus- 
sian Bishopric,  pp.  27,  25. 

t  Vol.  iii.pp.  155,  1.56. 


180  ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM. 

over  their  flocks  ;  can  you,  when  you  consider  this,  think 
it  novel,  or  improper,  or  uncouth,  to  call  them  spiritual 
princes,  and  their  dioceses  principalities,  when  they 
have  every  thing  in  their  office  which  can  denominate  a 
prince  ?  For  what  is  a  prince  but  the  chief  ruler  of  a 
society,  that  hath  authority  over  the  rest  to  make  laws  for 
it,  to  challenge  the  obedience  of  all  the  members,  and  all 
ranks  of  men  in  it,  and  power  to  coerce  them,  if  they 
will  not  obey.  And  now,  sir,  I  pray  you  to  attend  to 
what  follows,  and  then  tell  me,  if  the  office  of  a  bishop 
contains  not  every  thing  that  is  in  the  definition  of  a 
chief  or  a  prince.' 

ColUer  also  uses  the  terms  '  monarchically  governed,' 
as  equivalent  to  '  episcopal  administration."^^ 

Hence  do  we  find  South,  while  calling  on  the  civil 
magistrates  to  extirpate  heresy,!  and  lauding  to  the  skies, 
the  arbitrary  and  despotic  tyranny  of  Charles,  urging,  as  a 
claim  for  the  prelatic  government  in  the  church,  that  it 
was  '  the  only  one  that  can  consist  with  the  present 
government  of  the  state.'-t 

But,  to  crown  all,  and  to  consummate  our  argument, 
*  they  are  atheists/  says  Dr.  Nichols,  of  prelatical  memo- 
ry, '  who  affirm  that  government  originates  in  the  peo- 
ple, that  this  notion  is  borrowed  from  the  most  pestilent 
atheists,  and  can  be  defended  on  no  other  than  atheisti- 
cal principles.'^ 

*  Eccl.  Hist.  B.  i.  cent.  iv.  vol.  i.  p.  26. 

t  Sermon  3,  vol.  i.  pp.  Ill,  112,  ed.  1737. 

t  Sermon  2.  Epistle  Ded.p.  7G. 

§  See  in  Robinson's  Claude's  Essay,  vol.  ii.  p.  42.  Other  testimonies 
may  be  seen  in  Burnet's  Vindic.  p.  179.  Jameson's  Cyp.  Isot.  p.  5:')8. 
Lord  Digby.  Lond.  Quart.  Rev.  Dec.  1839,  p.  74.  Lond.  Chr.  Obs 
1S38,  p.  39.  Spiritual  Despotism,  pp.  176,  177,  184,  199,  200,  202,  205. 
208,  Eng.  ed.  How  this  argument  entered  into  all  the  petitions,  argu- 
ments, and  remonstrances  of  the  prelatical  party  during  the  reign  of 
Charles,  may  be  seen  in  Southey's  Book  of  the  Church,  ch.  xvii.  pp. 
4G5,   466,  Lond.  4th  ed. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REFUBLICANISM.  181 


SECTION     IV, 

Tlie  anti-reiduhlican  character  of  Popery. 

Popery  is  despotism  in  religion,  efTected  by  the  suppres- 
sion of  our  charter,  the  holy  scriptures,  the  prostration 
of  private  judgment,  liberty  of  conscience,  and  conse- 
quently of  all  appeal  from  her  unrighteous  decisions  * 
The  connection,  therefore,  between  popery  and  despotic  or 
arbitrary  government,  is  not  one  of  accident  or  analogy,  but 
one  oiijrinciple  and  necessity.  They  not  merely  resemble 
each  other,  they  are  identical.  The  princi'ple  of  both  is 
the  despotic  and  servile  principle,  in  the  former  actuating 
their  rulers,  and  in  the  latter  those  over  whom  they  rule. 
Master  and  slave  characterize  the  relation  between  both 
parties. 

The  papacy  is  that  usurpation,  by  which  the  primitive 
and  apostolic  doctrine  and  polity  of  the  church  have  been 
overturned ;  so  that  the  pope,  who  may  be  an  infidel,  an 
atheist,  and  a  reprobate,  sitteth  in  the  temple  of  God,  that 
is,  the  church,  as  God,  and  assumes  to  himself  the  attri- 
butes and  prerogatives  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  is  its 
only  Head.  This  despotic  usurpation,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  established  in  the  seventh  century,  when  the  author- 
ity of  the  Roman  See  became  predominant  in  the  west, 
and  was  consummated  in  the  eleventh  century,  when  that 
authority  became  unlimited.  Since  that  time,  it  has  been 
a  mark  of  orthodoxy,  among  Romanists,  to  define  the 
church  a  monarchy. 

Bellarmine,  in  his  lectures  '  Dq  Romano  Pontifice,'  de- 
livered in  the  college  of  Rome  by  appointment  of  pope 
Gregory  XIII,  '  after  endeavoring,'  says  Cramp,t '  to  prove 
that  simple  monarchy  is  the  best  form  of  government,  and 

*  Woodi^ate's  Bampton  Lect,  pp.  350,  351. 
t  Text  Book,  &c.p.  310. 

16 


182  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

that  therefore  it  has  been  adopted  in  the  chnrch,  in  which 
the  pope,  as  the  successor  of  Peter,  rules  in  the  place  of 
Christ,  who  has  constituted  him  his  sole  vicar  or  represen- 
tative, desci'il)es  at  large  the  spiritual  and  temporal  power 
of  the  jjope.'"^ 

That  church  government  ought  to  be  monarchical,  Bel 
larmine  further  urges,  for  the  following  reason,!  '  that 
among  all  the  forms  of  government,  simple  monarchy,  bat 
ing  some  circumstances,  is  absolutely  the  best.  That  how 
ever,  a  monarchy,  mixed  Avith  aristocracy  and  democracy 
is  more  useful  in  this  life,  than  simple  monarchy;  and  that 
this  form  of  government  has  prevailed  in  the  church,  where 
in  is  the  monarchy  of  the  pope,  the  aristocracy  of  the  bish 
ops,  and  the  democracy  of  inferior  clergy.'  Of  the  peo 
pie,  we  see,  he  takes  no  account.  They  are  only  subjects 
whose  province  it  is  to  obey. 

Cassienus  makes  it  essential  to  the  church  to  be  under 
one  supreme  head,  nor  does  he,  in  his  definition,  refer  to 
any  other  governors  as  necessary.^  Prelates,  therefore,  ac- 
cording to  Romanists,  are  not  only  in  a  higher  degree  of 
superiority  to  other  ministers,  but  they  are  as  princes  of 
the  clergy,  while  other  ministers  are  subjects,  and  in  all 
things  to  be  commanded  by  them.s^ 

In  1828,  M.  Schlegel,ll  who  has  stood  foremost  among 
the  literary  men  of  Roman  Catholic  Europe,  \n  his  Lec- 
tures on  the  Philosophy  of  History,  has  labored  to  demon- 
strate the  mutual  sujiport  which  popery  and  monarchy 
lend  to,  and  receive  from,  each  other.  Church  and  state* 
he  insists,  must  always  be  united ;  and  it  is  essential  to 
the  existence  of  each,  that  a  pope  be  at  the  head  of  the 

*  See  also  Dr.  Thorpe,  in  Notes  of  the  Ch.  Exam.  p.  134. 

t  Lib.  de  Pontif.  Rom.  B.  i.  ch.  ix.  in  Limborch,  vol.  ii.  p.  90S,  and 
ibid,  B.  iii.  and  iv. 

\  Syn.  Pap.  p.  209,  from  Bellarm.  lib.  i.  de  cleric,  c.  xiii-  xiv.  Vide- 
mus  Episcopum,  proinde  verum  principem.  c.  xiv. 

§  Notes  of  the  Ch.  Exam.  p.  187. 

11  Dr.  Brownlee's  Popery  an  Enemy  to  Liberty,  p.  21. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  183 

one,  and  an  emperor,  absolute  of  course,  at  the  head  of  the 
other.  He  takes  occasion  to  show,  that  protestantism  is  ab- 
soUitely  the  enemy  of  all  good  government ;  and  that  it  is, 
in  fact,  the  ally  of  republicanism,  the  source  of  all  distract- 
ed Europe's  disorders,  wars,  and  distresses.  In  short,  that 
it  is  the  cause  of  all  the  calamities  with  which  the  legiti- 
mate governments  of  the  old  world  are  now  being  visited. 
This  cunning  politician  thus  breaks  out  against  our  repub- 
lic :  '  The  real  nursery  of  all  these  destructive  principles, 
the  revolutionary  school  for  France,  and  the  rest  of  Eu- 
rope, has  been  North  America.  From  that  land  has  the 
evil  spread  over  many  other  lands,  either  by  natural  con- 
tagion, or  by  arbitrary  communication.'* 

We  do  not  indulge,  therefore,  either  in  conjecture,  or  in 
the  exercise  o^ private  judgment,  when  we  say,  that  pope- 
ry IS   MONARCHICAL  AND  ANTI-REPUBLICAN.       Wc  draW  np- 

on  their  own  testimony,  and  appeal  to  all  history.  We 
do  this  in  the  knowledge  of  the  fact,  that  some  two  or  three 
dwarfed  republics,  or  rather  aristocracies,  have  existed  in 
E-omish  countries.  They  did  so,  however,  in  spite  of  its 
influence.  They  lived  by  opposition,  and  the  hard  main- 
tenance of  their  envied  rights  ;  and  while  rei)ublican  in 
name,  they  were  in  reality  despotic,  and  without  a  shadow 
of  popular  freedom,  or  genuine,  liberty.  We  do  this,  too, 
while  perfectly  aware  that  Alexis  De  Tocqueville  has 
been  procured,  in  utter  contrariety  to  his  own  principles, 
to  claim  for  popery  the  greatest  affinity  to  democracy,  that 
is,  as  he  nses  the  word,  to  republicanism.  He  says,t  '  I 
think  that  the  catholic  rehgion  has  been  erroneously  look- 
ed upon,  as  the  natural  enemy  of  democracy.  Among  the 
various  sects  of  christians,  Catholicism  seems  to  me,  on 
the  contrary,  to  be  one  of  those  which  are  most  favorable 
to  the  equality  of  conditions.     In  the  cathohc  church,  the 

*  Vol.  ii.  Lect.  xvii.p.  286. 

t  Democr.  in  Am,  vol.  i.  pp.  328,  329. 


1  84  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

religious  community  is  composed  of  only  two  elements  ; 
the  priest  and  the  people.  The  priest  alone  rises  above 
the  rank  of  his  flock,  and  all  below  him  are  eqnal.  On 
doctrinal  points,  the  catholic  faith  places  all  human  capa- 
cities upon  the  same  level ;  it  subjects  the  wise  and  the 
ignorant,  the  man  of  genius  and  the  vulgar  crowd,  to  the 
details  of  the  same  creed.' 

Now  in  these  remarks,  Tocqueville  evidently  uses  the 
term  democracy  in  the  sense  of  equality  merely,  without 
respect  to  liberty,  and  as  entirely  distinct  from  it.  This  is 
clear,  from  what  he  says  elsewhere.  '  Very  great  equali- 
ty may  be  united  to  institutions  more  or  less  free,  or  even 

to  institutions  luholly  ivithout  freedom The  taste  which 

men  have  for  liberty,  and  that  which  they  feel  for  equali- 
ty, are,  in  fact,  two  different  things.'*  Equality,  then,  is 
no  certain  mark  of  freedom,  but  may  be  the  badge  of  sla- 
very. Despotism  may  produce  political  equality,  but  who 
will  say  that  it  can  lead  to  poHtical  liberty.  We  must, 
therefore,  carefully  distinguish  between  equality  and  free- 
dom. All  slaves  are  equal,  but  no  slaves  are  free.  Free- 
dom is  enjoyed  only  in  that  community,  where  the  peo[)le 
have  an  equal  right,  according  to  their  capacity,  to  take 
part  in  its  government.!  Equality  is  found  in  despotic 
monarchies,  where  the  monarch  is  the  law,  and  all  beside 
are  equally  subject  to  his  will.  Now  popery,  as  our  au- 
thor allows,  is  ecclesiastical  despotism  —  '  an  absolute  mo- 
narchy.' It  therefore  subjugates  all  its  members  to  a  com- 
mon level  of  servile  equality,  while  it  equally  deprives 
them  all  of  their  ecclesiastical  rights,  and  of  all  religious 
freedom.  In  Romanism  there  is,  we  grant,  perfect  equal- 
ity, but  there  is  no  freedom.  In  these  respects,  all  its 
members  are  equal ;  they  all  obey  the  same  laws  ;  they 
all  bow  down  to  the  same  yoke  ;  they  all  crouch  under  the 


*  Dem.  in  Am.  vol.  ii.  p.  100. 
t  Ibid,  vol.  ii.  p.  U9. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  185 

lash  of  the  same  priestly  tyranny ;  they  all  prostrate  their 
understandings  to  the  same  debasing  authority  ;  they  all 
submit  to  the  same  ignominious  penances  ;  they  are  all 
alike  weak  and  impotent,  in  relation  to  the  imperial  poten- 
tate ;  and  their  condition  is  alike,  in  contrast  with  that  of 
their  absolute  master.  This  despotism  might  be  compar- 
ed to  the  authority  of  a  parent,  were  it  designed  to  pre- 
pare its  subjects  for  manhood  ;  but  it  is,  on  the  contrary, 
only  adapted  to  keep  them  in  perpetual  childhood,  to  spare 
them  all  the  care  of  thinking,  and  all  the  trouble  of  living, 
and  gradually  to  rob  man  of  all  use  of  himself.  To  em- 
ploy the  powerful  language  of  our  author,*  '  after  having 
thus  successively  taken  each  member  of  the  community 
in  its  powerful  grasp,  and  fashioned  them  at  will,  the  su- 
preme power  then  extends  itself  over  the  whole  commu- 
nity. It  covers  the  surface  of  society  with  a  net-work  of 
small  complicated  rules,  minute  and  uniform,  through 
which  the  most  original  minds,  and  the  most  energetic 
characters  cannot  penetrate,  to  rise  above  the  crowd. 
The  will  of  man  is  not  shattered,  but  softened,  bent,  and 
guided ;  men  are  seldom  forced  by  it  to  act,  but  they  are 
constantly  restrained  from  acting  ;  such  a  power  does  not 
destroy,  but  it  prevents  existence  ;  it  does  not  tyrannize, 
but  it  compresses,  enervates,  extinguishes,  and  stupefies  a 
people,  till  each  nation  is  reduced  to  be  nothing  better  than 
a  flock  of  timid  and  industrious  animals,  of  which  the  gov- 
ernment is  the  shepherd.' 

But  who  would  not  rather  incline  toward  the  common 
empire  of  the  people,  than  submit  to  the  dominion  of  a  sin- 
gle arm  ?  And  is  it  not  better,  as  Alexis  De  Tocqueville, 
when  speaking  his  free  sentiments,  teaches,  '  to  be  level- 
led by  i^ree  institutions  than  by  despotic  power?'!  Who 
would  not,  therefore,  prefer  presbytery  to  popery  ;  spirit- 

*  Vol.  ii.  p.  339.  t  Vol.  i.  p.  359. 

IG* 


186  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISl^r. 

iial  republicanism,  to  spiritual  absolutism  ;  the  sovereignty 
of  all,  to  the  absolute  power  of  one  ? 

Popery  is  subversive  of  every  principle  of  republican- 
ism, and  irreconcilable  with  freedom.  The  theory  of 
those  who  advocate  the  divine  right  of  kings,  and  the  duty 
of  passive  obedience  in  all  subjects,  is  embraced  in  these 
two  propositions,  that  all  government  is  absolute  monar- 
chy, and  that  no  man  is  born  free;* — and  are  not  these, 
as  we  have  seen,  the  cardinal  principles  of  popery  ? 

Romanism  is  founded  in  implicit  faith.  Now  the  father 
of  republicanism,  Algernon  Sydney,  will  instruct  all  who 
have  ears  to  hear,  that  'implicit  faith  belongs  to  fools,' 
and  overthrows  reason.! 

Ptomanism  requires  dependence  upon  the  will  and  au- 
thority of  man  ; — but  this,  as  the  same  expounder  of  re- 
publicanism teaches,  is  slavery. $  For  what  is  freedom  ? 
'  It  is,'  says  Locke, s^ '  a  liberty  to  dispose,  and  order,  as  he 
lists,  his  person,  actions,  possessions,  and  his  whole  prop- 
erty, within  the  allowance  of  those  laws  under  which  he 
is,  and  therein  not  to  be  subject  to  the  arbitrary  will  of 
another,  but  freely  follow  his  own.'  Such  liberty,  how- 
ever, popery  destroys. 

Popery  limits  the  power  which  inheres  in  the  whole 
body  of  the  faithful,  to  the  pope,  and  through  his  gift, 
to  the  priesthood  ;  and  this  is  usurpation.il  It  exer- 
cises that  power  beyond  all  right  or  law  ;  and  this  is  ty- 
ranny.H  By  altering  the  laws  of  Christ ;  by  assuming  the 
power  of  legislation  for  his  church;  by  setting  up  the  ar- 
bitrary will  of  the  pope  in  the  place  of  the  laws  instituted 
by  Christ ;  by  hindering  the  church,  that  is,  the  body  of 
the  faithful,  from  assembhng  and  acting  freely  for  the  com- 

*  Locke  on  Gov.  ch.  i.  sect.  2.     Wks.  4to.  vol.  ii.  p.  140.    Lond.  1777- 

t  Disc,  concerning  Govt,  ch  i.  sect.  3. 

J  Ibid,  ch.  i.  sect.  5. 

§   Locke  on  Govt.  ch.  vi.  sect.  57,  vol.  ii.  p.  239. 

11  Ibid,  ch.  xviii.  p.  294. 

T[  Ibid. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  187 

mon  good;  and  by  delivering  over  the  free-born  subjects 
of  Christ  to  a  foreign  power;  popery  stands  chargeable 
with  having  dissolved  the  government  of  Christ's  church, 
and  setting  up  one  of  its  own  devising  *  Rather,  per- 
haps, may  it  be  said  to  form  no  government  at  all,  but  a 
pure  despotism;  since  absolute  monarchy  is  inconsistent 
with  every  end  of  human  societies,  which  is  the  common 
good  of  the  whole  body,  and  its  protection  against  the  un- 
just power  of  any.t 

Popery  crushes  the  laity,  and  despoils  them  of  every 
right.  The  Romish  church  is  the  body  of  the  prelates  and 
priests  ;  the  laity  have  only  to  pay  and  obey,  in  all  the  pas- 
sivity of  unquestioning  submission.  *  All  Roman  Catholics 
hold,  as  a  doctrine,'  says  bishop  Hughes,  'that  the  church, 
(that  is,  the  clergy,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  laity,)  inasmuch 

as  it  is  a  visible  society has  authority  to  make  laws  and 

require  obedience  to  them;  (from  all  men,  the  world  over;) 
that  it  has  authority  to  judge  in  controversies;  condemn 
new  doctrines,  cast  out  heretics,'  Sect  '  With  ns,'  adds 
this  bishop,^  '  doctrines  are  not  made  up,  as  with  presby- 
terians,  from  the  gatherings  of  the  opinions  of  the  people. 
They  are  tenets  of  revelation  ;  they  are  held  and  taught 
as  such,  and  the  votes  of  the  people  cannot  make  them 
true  or  false.  They  were  revealed  to  be  taught  and  be- 
lieved, and  not  to  be  '  coughed  doum,'  in  such  assemblies  as 
the  late  synod  of  York.'  This  is  the  genuine  language 
of  proud  aristocracy,  which  regards  '  the  people'  with  con- 
tempt, as  the  ignobile  vulgus. 

In  this  sense,  the  same  champion  of  despotism  admits, 
*  the  Romish  church  is  intolerant  as  truth.'  Now,  since  the 
pope  and  clergy  define,  interpret,  and  therefore  make  the 
truth,  without  help  or  hope  on  the  part  of  the  laity,  the 

*  Locke  on  Govt.  ch.  xix.  pp.  299,  300. 

t  Ibid,  sect.  90,  pp.  252,  254. 

X  Bp.  Huiihes  in  Discuss,  with  Dr.  Breckinridge,  p.  152. 

S  Ibid,  p.>J4. 


188  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

Romish  church  is  as  intolerant  as  the  hist  of  power  and 
domination,  nnhmited  and  unchecked,  can  possibly  make 
her*  The  people  are  the  mere  vassals  of  their  priestly 
rulers.  They  have  no  part  nor  lot  in  the  divine  common- 
wealth. They  have  no  voice  in  the  councils  of  the  church. 
They  have  no  liberty  of  choice  in  the  ministers  by  whom 
they  are  to  be  governed.  They  have  no  management 
even  of  the  funds  and  property  they  have  themselves  con- 
tributed to  the  church.  They  are  now  prohibited  from  act- 
ing as  trustees  of  the  churches  they  have  erected. f  All  re- 
sponsibility to  the  people  for  the  use  made  of  the  funds 
contributed  by  them,  or  the  amount  received,  is  denied  by 
popery.  The  people  account  to  their  priests  in  all  cases, 
the  priests  to  their  people  in  no  case.  The  priests  are 
every  thing,  the  people  are  nothing.  A  most  singular 
species  of  democracy,  truly  I  A  glorious  equality  this, 
most  worthy  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  free  republic  I 
Popery  is  the  antipodes  of  democracy. $ 

Popery  denies  and  anathematizes  liberty  of  conscience, 
liberty  of  opinion,  liberty  of  the  press,  liberty  of  discussion, 
and  liberty  of  association  ;  and  yet,  upon  these,  the  whole 
fabric  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  rests.  When  the  foun- 
dations are  destroyed,  can  the  superstructure  remain  ?  §  p. 

*  Bishop  Hughes,  in  Discuss,  with  Dr.  Breckinridge,  p.  155.' 

t  The  London  Tablet,  a  Roman  Catholic  newspaper,  is  delighted 
with  the  pastoral  letter  of  bishop  Hughes  of  New  York  on  this  sub- 
ject. The  Tablet,  speaking  of  ])ishop  Hughes's  attack  upon  the  trustee 
system,  says:  '  We  heartily  wish  this  indefatigable  prelate  all  success 
in  these  endeavors  of  his;  and,  indeed,  it  seems  likely  to  attend  him. 
The  sensation  caused  by  the  atrocious  Gibraltar  case,  in  addition  to 
that  of  New  Orleans,  is  producing  precious  effects  in  stirring  up  a  fixed 
resolution  to  get  rid  of  that  modern  slavery  of  the  Church,  called  '  lay-trus- 
teeship.^ ' 

J  Foreign  Conspiracy  against  the  United  States,  pp.  90,  91,  107. 

§  See  abundant  evidence  of  these  positions,  in  Dr.  Brownlee's  Pope^ 
ry  the  Enemy  of  Civil  Liberty  ;  Foreign  Conspiracy  against  the  Uni- 
ted States  ;  Breckinridge  and  Hughes's  Discussion,  and  Our  Liberties 
Defended,  New  York,  1S41.  In  1S3G,  John,  bishop  of  New  York,  pub- 
licly condemned  a  debating  society  formed  among  young  men  of  the 
Romish  church  in  that  city.  In  this,  he  says,  '  The  church,  in  the 
most  positive  manner,  prohibits  all  laymen  from  entering  into  dispute 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  189 

The  pope  is  thus  absohite  and  supreme  monarch  in  this 
land  of  repubhcanism,  as  far  as  Pvomanists  are  concerned. 
The  pope  claims  by  divine  right,  *  the  primacy  of  jurisdic- 
tion, and  the  plenitude  of  power,'  by  which  it  appertains 
to  him  *  to  assign  pastors  to  all  vacant  churches.'^  Thus  f 
*  in  proud  defiance  of  this  free  spirit,  that  stirs  in  the  bosom 
of  every  republican  and  every  clnistian,  a  foreign  despot, 
residing  at  Rome,  claims,  and  is  actually  permitted,  by 
every  Roman  Catholic  in  our  country,  to  exercise  the  pre- 


on  points  of  religion  with  sectarians.  '  Inhib emits, ^  says  pope  Alexan- 
der IV,  '  ne  sm  quam  Laicct  Pcrsonce  Uccat  publice  vcl  privatim  de  fide  Ca- 
Iholica  dispntare,  quivcre  contrafeccrit  exrommunicationis  laqt'coinnodetiir.^ 
Had  you  recollected  this  sentence,  I  am  sure  you  would  be  very  far 
from  calling  on  the  catholic  young  men  of  this  city  to  become  mem- 
bers of  a  debating  society  on  religious  subjects,  open  to  so  many  seri- 
ous objections.'  John,  bishop  of  New  York,  in  addressing  the  editor 
of  the  Truth  Teller,  further  says,  '  I  feel  surprised  that  you,  who 
ought  to  know  better,  would  think  of  encouraging  and  drawing  public 
attention  to  such  a  society,  without  first  asking  the  sentiments  of  your 
Ordinary  on  so  important  a  subject.'  The  bishop  quotes  pope  Alex- 
ander IV,  to  sustain  his  decree  of  suppression.  The  old  laws  of  pope- 
ry, then,  are  all  allowed  to  be  in  force  now,  and  in  this  country  too. 
Hear  the  pope  :  '  We  prohibit  all  lay  persons,  publicly  or  privately  to 
dispute  concerning  the  catholic  faith  ;  he  who  shall  transgress,  let  him 
be  hung  up  {innodeiur)  in  the  halter  (laqueo)  of  excommunication.' 
This  then  is  the  law  which  governs  the  Koman  Catholics  in  America. 
Pope  Gregory  XVI,  in  his  encyclical  letter,  Sept.  1832,  says, '  and  from 
this  most  polluted  fountain  of  indifFerenlism  flows  that  absurd  and  er- 
roneous sentiment,  or  rather  raving,  that  liberty  of  conscience  is  to  be 
asserted  and  claimed  by  any  one.' 

Now  the  Romanist,  who  undertook  to  defend  the  above  bishop's  con- 
duct, (see  Our  Liberties  Defended,  p.  55,)  says,'  He  concurred  with  him, 
pope  Gregory  XVI,  in  the  views  he  has  expressed.'  '  I  agree,'  says  he, 
'  with  him.  (the  pope,)  in  considering  that  the  so-called  liberty  of  con- 
science cannot  sufficiently  be  execrated.'  He  further  says,  'The  lib- 
erty or  rather  licentiousness  of  the  press,  which  the  pontiff  reprobates, 
is  somewhat  analogous  to  that  which  the  laws  of  this  very  state  re- 
strain, when  they  forbid  the  publication  of  obscene  or  demoralizing 
works.'  Indeed  ;  it  is  admitted,  then,  that  the  pope  may  usurp  the  civil 
power,  and  impose  civil  restraints,  in  other  countries  than  his  own,  to 
destroy  the  liberty  of  the  press.  I  did  not  expect  this  concession  from 
catholics;  and  so  he  acknowledges  that  the  pope  does  interfere,  and 
contends  that  he  has  a  right  to  interfere,  in  other  states  than  his  own, 
and  control  the  press,  and  usurp  the  civil  power,  and  condemn  works 
for  their  character,  just  as  the  legislature  of  this  state  passes  laws  for 
the  same  purpose.' 

*  See  his  words  in  Foreign  Conspiracy,  p.  36. 

t  Brownlee,  as  above,  p.  89. 


190  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

rogative  of  selecting  and  sending  hither  his  own  creatures, 
as  bishops,  priests,  vicars,  to  take  care  of  the  souls  of 
republicans' 

We  find,  also,  that  in  the  education  of  yonng  men  for 
the  priesthood,  and  in  all  their  seminaries,  both  male  and 
female,  there  is  instilled  into  the  mind  an  iraphcit  obe- 
dience and  reverence  for  ecclesiastical  superiors,  as  a 
conscientious  duty,  enjoined  by  divine  authority.  What- 
ever mandates  issue  from  the  Vatican  at  Rome  are  always 
faithfidly  executed,  as  the  commands  of  duty  itself. 
Whatever  these  may  be,  they  are  taught  to  believe,  that 
it  would  be  sinful  to  question  the  obligation  to  perform 
them.  By  these  means,  the  priests  become  willing  and 
prompt  agents,  to  carry  into  effect  any  plans,  without 
themselves  knowing  the  object  of  them.* 

This  slavish  subjection  to  the  interests  of  Rome,  is 
secured  by  the  establishment  of  celibacy.  By  forbidding 
the  clergy  to  marry,  they  are  cut  off  from  all  those  family 

ties,  WHICH    ARE   THE  FOUNTAINS  OF  PATRIOTISM,  AND    THE 

VERY  BOND  AND  CEMENT  OF  SOCIETY.  Having  110  intcrcsts 
at  stake,  they  look  upon  the  community  in  which  they 
sojourn,  as  their  prey,  not  as  their  home  ;  and  upon  obe- 
dience to  their  spiritual  governors,  as  the  highest  of  duties. 
As  soldiers  of  the  pope,  they  are  ever  ready  to  obey  his 
summons,  and  to  execute  his  commands.  Thus  the 
priests,  monks,  and  nuns,  compose,  in  fact,  the  army  of  a 
foreign  i)otentate,  to  fulfil  his  high  behests,  as  a  religious 
duty,  and  to  look  up  to  him  for  promotion,  in  dignity  or 
office  ;  for  in  the  court  of  Rome,  the  pope,  being  the 
supreme  head  of  the  church,  is  the  sole  fountain  of  honor, 
as  well  as  of  authority.! 

But  still  further  to  extend  this  foreign  influence,  Ave 
find  that  probably  two  thirds,  at  least,  of  the  priests  in  this 

*  See  proofs  in  Foreign  Conspiracy,  pp.  37 -39. 
t  See  proofs  of  this  in  several  exan)ples  in  Foreign  Conspiracy,  p. 
140,  &c,  Note  c, 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISJT,  191 

conntr)^  are  foreigners  :  Italians,  Spaniards,  Belgians,  but 
a  major  part  from  Ireland;  who  have  no  natural  ties  to 
this  country,  and  have  no  sentiments  or  feelings  in  com- 
mon with  the  American  citizen.  They  are  ordered  to 
take  charge  of  a  congregation,  without  consulting  the 
members  of  it ;  but  are  set  over  them  by  the  authority  of 
the  pope.  They  are  commissioned  to  be  their  spiritual 
guides ;  to  hear  confessions ;  to  grant  absolution,  and 
impose  penances  ;  and  to  administer  the  last  sacrament, 
which  is  considered  so  essential  to  the  consolation  of  the 
dying  penitent  in  the  Romish  faith.  Now  with  all  this 
mighty  influence  over  the  minds  of  American  citizens, 
these  men  are,  many  of  them,  in  heart,  opposed  to  our 
free  institutions.  My  lord  bishop  Flaget,^  of  Bardstown, 
Kentucky,  in  a  letter  to  his  patrons  abroad,  has  this  plain 
hint  at  an  ulterior  political  design,  and  that  no  less  than  the 
entire  subversion  of  our  republican  government.  Speaking 
of  the  difficulties  and  discouragements  the  catholic  mis- 
sionaries have  to  contend  with,  in  converting  the  Indians, 
the  last  difficulty  in  the  way,  he  says,  is  '  their  continual 
traffic  among  the  whites,  which  cannot  be  hindered  as 

LONG   AS   the   republican   GOVERNMENT   SHALL  SUBSIST.' 

The  Catholic  Telegraph,  a  Roman  Catholic  Journal,  in 
commenting  on  the  case  of  the  burning  of  the  convent  near 
Boston,  says,  '  this  one  fact  is  condemnation  of  the  system 
of  American  institutions,  confirmed  lately  by  numerous 
other  proofs.'     Let  republicans  hear  this.! 

In  this  detestation  of  our  political  principles,  bishop 
England,  with  all  his  apparent  love  of  liberty,  fully  con- 
curred. In  one  of  his  letters  to  Ireland,  he  ventured  to 
write  as  follows. $  '  How  often  did  I  wish  my  voice  could 
be  heard  across  the  deep,  proclaiming,  at  your  meetings, 
what  I  have  seen  and  heard,  since  I  left  you  I     A  people 

*  Ibid,  p.  7.5.     Seeallofchap.  vii.pp.  6,  73,&c. 

t  Foreign  Conspiracy,  pp.  ISO,  181. 

J  Breckinridge  and  Hughes's  Discussion,  p.  376. 


192  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

valuing  freedom,  and,  in  the  plenitude  of  its  enjoyment, 
destroying  religion,  nay,  having  nearly  effected  its  destruc- 
tion, by  reducing  to  practice  here  the  principle  which  the 
vetoists  and  conciliators  contend  for  among  you.  The 
Americans  are  loud  in  their  reprobation  of  your  servile 
aristocracy,  who  would  degrade  religion,  by  placing  its 
concerns  under  the  control  of  a  king's  minister;  and  could 
your  aristocrats,  and  place-hunters,  view  the  state  of 
catholicity  here,  they  would  inveigh  against  the  demo- 
crats, who  would  degrade  religion,  by  placing  its  concerns 
under  the  control  of  a  mob  ;  and  I  am  perfectly  convinced, 
both  are  right.  In  both  cases  the  principle  is  exactly  the 
same ;  the  mode  of  carrying  it  into  operation  is  differ- 
ent. I  am  convinced,  that  if  those  gentlemen  of  the  Irish 
hierarchy,  who  arc  suspected,  and  I  fear  with  good  reason, 
of  being  favorable  to  vetoistical  arrangements,  had  each 
one  month's  experience  of  the  operation  of  the  principle 
here,  their  good  sense,  and  piety,  and  zeal  for  religion, 
would  compel  them  to  suffer  inconvenience,  rather  than 
commit  the  fate  of  the  religion  of  millions  under  their 
charge,  and  myriads  yet  unborn,  to  the  influence  of  a  most 
destructive  principle,  to  release  themselves  and  their  flock 
from  the  mitigated  persecution  under  which  they  still 
suffer. . .  .The  people  here,  claim,  and  endeavor  to  assume, 
the  same  power  which  these  classes  and  conditions  would 
give  to  the  crown  amongst  you  —  though  not  to  the  same 
extent.  The  consequence  is,  that  religion  is  neglected, 
degraded,  despised,  and  insulted  luitJi  imjninity.'  So  much 
for  the  republicanism  of  bishop  England. 

Let  it  not  be  forgotten,  that  the  church  of  Rome  is  a 
state  as  well  as  a  church.  The  pope,  who  impiously  styles 
himself  the  'vicar  of  Jesus  Christ,'  claims  both  temiioral 
and  spiritual  jurisdiction  over  the  whole  earth.  In  proof 
of  this,  we  shall  cite  three  witnesses  out  of  a  multitude, 
who  stand  ready  to  confirm  it.  One  of  these  is  pope 
Sixtus  V.     His  bull  against  Henry,  king  of  Navarre,  and 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  193 

the  prince  of  Conde,  begins  thus  :  '  The  authority  given 
to  St.  Peter  and  his  successors,  by  the  immense  power  of 
the  Eternal  King,  excels  all  the  pou-ers  of  earthly  Icings  and 
princes  —  it  passes  uncontrollable  sentence  on  them  all  — 
and  if  it  finds  any  of  them  resisting  God's  ordinance,  it 
takes  more  severe  vengeance  of  them,  casting  them  down 
from  their  thrones,  though  never  so  puissant,  and  tumbling 
them  down  to  the  lowest  parts  of  the  earth,  as  the  minis- 
ters of  aspiring  Lucifer.'  And  then  he  proceeds  — '  We 
deprive  thejn  and  their  p)osterity,  for  ever,  of  their  dominions 
and  kingdoms!  Our  second  witness  shall  be  pope  Pius  V. 
In  his  bull  against  Queen  Elizabeth,  in  which  he  pretends 
to  absolve  all  her  nobles  and  subjects  from  their  allegiance 
to  her,  he  affirms,  that  God  has  constituted  the  Ptoman 
pontiff  'prince  over  all  nations  and  all  kingdoms,  that  he 
might  pluck  up,  destroy,  dissipate,  ruinate,  plant,  and  build.' 
Our  third  witness  shall  be  pope  Boniface  VIII.  There 
is  a  decree  of  his  in  the  canon  law,  running  thus  :  — '  We 
declare,  say,  define,  pronounce  it  to  be  of  necessity  to  sal- 
vation,  for  every  human  creature  to  be  subject  to  the  Roman 
pontiff.'^ 

Popery  embodies  in  itself  the  closest  union  of  church 
and  state.!  *  In  the  Roman  states,  the  same  individual 
holds  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical  offices.  The  pope  is 
the  king.  A  cardinal  is  secretary  of  state.  The  consistory 
of  cardinals  is  the  cabinet  council,  the  ministry,  and  they 
are  viceroys  in  the  provinces  The  archbishops  are  am- 
bassadors to  foreign  courts.  The  bishops  are  judges  and 
magistrates,  and  the  road  to  preferment  to  most,  if  not  all 
the  great  offices  of  state,  is  through  the  priesthood.'^ 

*  See  Address  of  the  Am.  Prot.  Assoc. 

t  Foreign  Conspir.  pp.  90,  177,  and  Brownlee,  as  aLove,  p.  125. 

t  Bishop  England,  in  his  work  '  On  the  Ceremonies  of  the  Holy 
Week,'  says,  (quoted  in  Breckinridge  and  Hughes's  Discuss,  p.  377.) 
'  In  the  venerable  successor  of  St.  Peter,  I  behold  the  former  active, 
zealous,  and  enlightened  prefect  of  the  propaganda,  whose  deep  interest, 
and  laborious  exertions,  in  the  concerns  of  the  church  of  the  United 
States,  have  been  so  beneficial.'  He  calls  the  company  of  the  card'- 
17 


194  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

Nor  is  this  politico-ecclesiastical  influence  asleep  among 
ns.  Who  are  so  great  politicians  as  our  Pvomish  prelates, 
priesthood,  and  laity  ?  Have  they  not  openly  interfered 
with  our  systems  of  public  school  education  ?  Have  they 
not  issued  their  political  tickets,  and  enjoined  all  Roman- 
ists to  vote  them  in  ?  Have  they  not,  by  their  influence, 
in  some  cases,  gained  their  purposes  in  both  these  res- 
pects ?  Have  they  not  withdrawn  from  our  public  and 
common  orphan  asylums,  as  well  as  schools,  that  they 
may  bring  up  the  future  citizens  of  America  in  all  the 
blindness,  bigotry,  and  superstition  of  their  anti-republican 
system?  Have  not  the  European  nations  united  in  a 
grand  society,  for  the  purpose  of  promioting  the  difflision 
©f  Romish  doctrines,  and  through  them,  the  destruction 
of  our  republican  institutions  ?  ^  Popery  is  a  political  sys- 
tem. Its  connection  with  Christianity  is  merely  in  name, 
and  for  the  purpose  of  more  completely  effectuating  its 
purposes.  It  proclaims  that  all  power,  temporal  and 
spiritual,  exists  in  the  pope ;  that  liberty  of  conscience  is 
a  '  raving  and  most  pestilential  error  ;'  that  it  '  execrates 
and  detests  the  liberty  of  the  press  ; '  that  the  people  have 
no  right  or  capacity  to  rule  or  govern  ;  that  liberty  of  dis- 
cussion is  not  to  be  tolerated ;  that  no  responsibility  in 
financial  matters  is  due  to  the  people.  It  is  a  union  of 
church  and  state.  It  is,  in  its  nature,  despotic  and  anti- 
republican.  Its  increase  among  us  is  the  certain  decrease 
of  civil  and  religious  freedom,  and  its  dominance  must 
prove  their  inevitable  ruin.  Popery,  by  its  most  essential 
principles,  is  under  the  control  of  a  foreign  despotic  sove- 
reigUj  who  is  himself  the   tool  of  Austria,  which  is   the 

nals, '  the  venerable  and  eminent  senate  of  the  christian  world,'  praises 
the  pope  for  that  very  effort  against '  liberty,'  which  breathes  through 
the  detestable  '  Encyclical  Letter,'  so  repeatedly  alluded  to  in  the  con- 
troversy, (that  letter  Was  published  Aug.  15th,  1S32,  and  the  bishop's 
book  appeared  at  Rome,  March  26,  1833.)  and  he  says,  '  that  stripping 
the  holy  fee  of  its  temporal  independence,  would  inflict  a  deep  wound 
on  religion.^ 
*  Foreign  Conspiracy^     See  this  avowed  in  Europe,  at  p.  81. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  195 

avowed  enemy  of  all  liberty,  and  to  whose  despot  is  com- 
mitted the  superintendence  of  the  operations  of  popery  in 
this  country.* 

'  And  yet,  the  body  of  our  protestant  population,  whether 
through  ignorance,  self-security,  or  whatever  cause,  remain 
indifferent  to  this  subject.  While  Romanism  is  establish- 
ing its  proselyting  schools  throughout  the  land,  to  pervert 
the  tender  minds  of  our  youth;  and  directing  its  efforts  to 
destroy  the  religious  character  and  influence  of  public 
protestant  education ;  and  organizing  itself  under  a  foreign 
priesthood,  for  direct  interference  with  our  political  elec- 
tions ;  and  publishing  and  circulating  the  most  opprobrious 
assaults  upon  the  doctrines  of  our  protestant  faith ;  and 
segregating  its  adherents  into  a  distinct  body,  alien  in 
sympathy  and  interest  from  the  mass  of  the  American 
people ;  a  large  portion  of  our  protestant  citizens,  who 
might  with  ease  arrest  the  progress  of  these  evils,  seem 
unwilling  even  to  be  apprized  of  their  existence  ;  and, 
instead  of  opposing  them,  actually  contribute  of  their  funds 
to  maintain  popish  churches,  asylums,  and  seminaries,  and 
commit  their  children  to  the  tutelage  of  popish  priests  and 
nuns.'t 

In  opposing  popery,  as  thus  dangerous  to  the  common^ 
wealth,  we  do  so  on  political  grounds.  We  quarrel  not 
with  the  liberty  of  opinion,  as  exercised  by  papists.  We 
would  not  deny  to  them  a  full  equality  of  rights.  But 
THEY  HAVE  MORE.  Other  denominations  have  renounced 
all  foreign  jurisdiction.  But  Romanists  still  adhere  to  it, 
in  opposition  to  those  constitutional  principles,  on  which 
our  republican  government  is  founded.  The  subjects  of 
no  popish  government  acknowledge  a  foreign  protestant 
authority,  and  yet  the  citizens  of  this  country  are  allowed 
to  enjoy  all  its  privileges,  while  subject  to  a  foreign  popish 

*  For.  Conspiracy,  pp.  40,  71,  118,  129. 
t  Address  of  Am.  Prot.  Assoc. 


196  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

authority,  independent  of  their  own  government.  By  his 
spiritual  supremacy,  the  pope  assumes  the  title  of  God's 
vicegerent ;  cancels  covenants  and  promises ;  annihilates 
public  declarations ;  arrogates  to  the  paparchy  the  sole 
right  of  interpreting  the  scriptures  ;  excludes  all  protest- 
ants,  heretics,  and  infidels,  from  the  pale  of  the  church, 
from  all  authority  to  preach  the  word  of  God,  and  from  all 
share  in  the  promises  of  Christ's  kingdom.  Now  the 
jurisdiction  of  such  a  foreign  potentate,  with  such  powers, 
ecclesiastical  and  spiritual,  cawzoi  but  be  prejudicial,  if  not 
ultimately  destructive  to  the  liberties  of  this  free  common- 
wealth. This  pope  refused  to  establish  toleration,  even 
at  the  urgency  of  Napoleon.^  He  thus  avouched  all  the 
persecuting  principles  and  practices,  with  which  the  his- 
tory of  popery  is  identified.  And  this  pope  is  the  supreme 
ruler  of  all  the  papists  in  this  land.  But  ought  this  so  to 
be  ?  If  they  only  are  fellow-citizens  who  are  equally  sub- 
ject to  the  same  laws,  and  to  the  same  power,  how  can 
they  be  fellow-citizens  in  this  republic,  who  owe  allegiance 
to  2l  foreign  power,  and  to  foreign  laws,  and  who  cannot, 
until  this  allegiance  is  withdrawn,  acknowledge  the 
entire  sovereignty  of  a  free  people,  or  of  this  government. 
This  was  declared  to  be  the  case,  by  the  British  parlia- 
ment,! and  by  our  continental  congress. $  It  is  also  the 
doctrine  of  Locke,  in  his  celebrated  letter  on  toleration.^ 
'  Another  more  secret  evil,'  says  he,  '  but  more  dangerous 
to  the  commonwealth,  is  when  men  arrogate  to  themselves, 
and  to  those  of  their  own  sect,  some  peculiar  prerogative, 
covered  over  with  a  specious  show  of  deceitful  words,  but 
in  effect  opposite  to  the  civil  rights  of  the  community. 
For  example,  we  cannot  find  any  sect  that  teaches,  ex- 

*  Breckinridge  and  Hughes's  Discussion,  p  373. 

t  See  Burgess's  Tracts,  p.  2.57. 

X  Address  to  the  People  of  Great  Britain,  Oct.  21,  1774,  (in  Journals 
of  vol.  i.  p.  30;  in  Breckinridge's  Discuss,  p.  340,)  on  occasion  of  the 
establishment  of  Romanism  in  Canada. 

S  In  Wks.  vol.  ii.  pp.  342,  343. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICAxVISM.  197 

pressly  and  openly,  that  men  are  not  obliged  to  keep  their 
promise ;  that  princes  may  be  dethroned  by  those  that 
differ  from  them  in  religion  ;  or  that  the  dominion  of  all 
things  belongs  only  to  themselves.  For  these  things,  propo- 
sed thus  nakedly  and  plainly,  would  soon  draw  on  them  the 
eye  and  hand  of  the  magistrate,  and  awaken  all  the  care 
of  the  commonwealth,  to  a  watchfulness  against  the 
spreading  of  so  dangerous  an  evil.  But  nevertheless  we 
find  those  that  say  the  same  things  in  other  words.  What 
else  do  they  mean,  who  teach  that '  faith  is  not  to  be  kept 
with  heretics  ? '  Their  meaning  forsooth  is,  that  the  priv- 
ilege of  breaking  faith  belongs  unto  themselves  ;  for  they 
declare  all  that  are  not  of  their  communion  to  be  heretics, 
or  at  least  declare  them  so  whensoever  they  think  fit. 
What  can  be  the  meaning  of  their  asserting,  that  *  kings, 
excommunicated,  forfeit  their  crowns  and  kingdoms  ? '  It 
is  evident  that  they  thereby  arrogate  unto  themselves  the 
power  of  deposing  kings ;  because  they  challenge  the 
power  of  excommunication,  as  the  peculiar  right  of  their 
hierarchy.  '  That  dominion  is  founded  in  grace,'  is  also 
an  assertion  by  which  those  that  maintain  it,  do  plainly 
lay  claim  to  the  possession  of  all  things.  For  they  are  not 
so  wanting  to  themselves,  as  not  to  believe,  or  at  least  as 
not  to  profess  themselves  to  be  the  truly  pious  and  faith- 
ful. These,  therefore,  and  the  like,  who  attribute  unto 
the  faithful,  religious,  and  orthodox,  that  is,  in  plain  terms, 
unto  themselves,  any  peculiar  privilege  or  power  above 
other  mortals,  in  civil  concernments  ;  or  who,  upon  pre- 
tence of  religion,  do  challenge  any  manner  of  authority 
over  such  as  are  not  associated  with  them  in  their  eccle- 
siastical communion;  I  say  these  have  no  right  to  be 
tolerated  by  the  magistrate,  as  neither  those  that  will  not 
own  and  teach  the  duty  of  tolerating  all  men  in  matters 
of  mere  religion.  For  what  do  all  these  and  the  like  doc- 
trines signify,  but  that  they  may,  and  are  ready  upon  any 
occasion,  to  seize  the  government,  and  possess  themselves 
17# 


198  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

of  the  estates  and  fortunes  of  their  fellow-subjects  ;  and 
that  they  only  ask  leave  to  be  tolerated  by  the  magis- 
trates, so  long,  until  they  find  themselves  strong  enough 
to  eiTect  it.' 

'  Again :  That  church  can  have  no  right  to  be  tolerated 
by  the  magistrate,  which  is  constituted  upon  such  a  bot- 
tom, that  all  those  who  enter  into  it,  do  thereby,  ipso  facto, 
deliver  themselves  up  to  the  protection  and  service  of 
another  prince.  For  by  this  means,  the  magistrate  would 
give  way  to  the  settling  of  a  foreign  jurisdiction  in  his  own 
country,  and  suffer  his  own  people  to  be  listed,  as  it  were, 
for  soldiers,  against  his  own  government.  Nor  does  the 
frivolous  and  fallacious  distinction,  between  the  court  and 
the  church,  afford  any  remedy  to  this  inconvenience  ;  espe- 
cially when  both  the  one  and  the  other  are  equally  subject 
to  the  absolute  authority  of  the  same  person,  who  has  not 
only  power  to  persuade  the  members  of  his  church  to 
whatsoever  he  lists,  either  as  purely  religious,  or  as  in 
order  thereunto  ;  but  can  also  enjoin  it  on  them  on  pain  of 
eternal  fire.  It  is  ridiculous  for  any  one  to  profess  himself 
to  be  a  mahometan,  only  in  religion,  but  in  every  thing 
else  a  faithful  subject  to  a  christian  magistrate,  whilst  at 
the  same  time,  he  acknowledges  himself  bound  to  yield 
blind  obedience  to  the  mufti  of  Constantinople ;  who  is 
himself  entirely  obedient  to  the  Ottoman  emperor,  and 
frames  the  feigned  oracles  of  that  religion,  according  to 
his  pleasure.  But  this  mahometan,  living  amongst  chris- 
tians, would  yet  more  apparently  renounce  their  govern- 
ment, if  he  acknowledged  the  same  person  to  be  head  of 
his  church,  who  is  the   supreme  magistrate  in  the  state.' 

Precisely  similar  are  the  views  taken  of  the  Komish 
system,  by  Milton,  in  his  Tract  on  Toleration.=^ 

What,  we  ask,   has  been  the  influence  of  popery  in 
Britain  ?     Does  not  history  attest  that  the  popish  priest- 

*  Of  True  Religion,  Heresy,  Schism,  and  Toleration,  in  Wks.  vol. 
iv.  pp.  264,  255. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM.  199 

hood  were  inimical  to  civilization  and  education  ;  that  the 
nation  became  an  easy  prey  to  the  Italian  court ;  and  that 
the  clergy,  being  vassals  and  agents  of  Rome,  and  owning 
no  fealty  to  their  sovereign,  were  the  promoters  of  tyranny, 
cruelty,  and  vice.*  And  what  has  been  its  influence 
every  where  ?  Let  the  members  of  our  continental  con- 
gress, in  the  Address  referred  to,  answer.  *  Nor  can  we 
suppress  our  astonishment,  that  a  British  parliament 
should  ever  consent  to  establish,  in  that  country,  a  religion 
that  has  deluged  your  island  in  blood,  and  dispersed  im- 
piety, bigotry,  persecution,  murder,  and  rebellion,  through 
every  part  of  the  world.' 

The  testimony  of  our  fathers  is  still  needful;  and  will 
be  so,  as  long  as  the  supremacy  and  infallibility  of  Ptome, 
continues  to  be  regarded  as  the  centre  of  the  flomish 
system.  So  long  does  it  make  itself  accountable  for  all 
the  persecution  and  intolerance,  which  have  hitherto 
characterized  its  progress.  So  long  does  it  stand  forth  a 
political  and  despotic  system,  under  the  name  of  a 
church.  And  so  long  must  it  be  regarded  as  inimical  to 
all  freedom,  civil  and  religious,  and  to  be  opposed  by  all 
patriots  and  republicans,  of  every  name,  sect,  and  party. 
The  supremacy  and  infallibility  of  Rome,  are  not  articles 
of  faith.  They  are  found  in  none  of  the  early  creeds,  not 
to  say  the  Bible.  They  cannot  therefore  be  essential, 
even  to  the  religion  denominated  Romanism.  Let  them 
then  be  abjured.  Let  Romanists  do  as  other  sects  have 
done.  We  cannot,  otherwise,  put  confidence  in  any  dec- 
larations, promises,  or  asseverations,  they  may  make.  The 
PEOPLE  are,  we  believe,  many  of  them,  as  heartily  repub- 
lican, as  are  protestants.  But  they  are  so  in  spite  of  their 
system  ;  and  because,  so  long  as  Romanists  are  a  minority, 
appearances  must  be  kept  up,  and  the  people  are  there- 
fore left  as  far  as  possible  at  liberty.     This  much  is  ad- 

*  See  this  shown  in  '  England  under  the  Popish  Yoke,' by  Rev.  C.  E. 
Armstrong,  of  Oxford. 


200  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

mittedby  Tocqueville  himself.*  He  says, '  if,  then,  the  cath- 
ohc  citizens  of  the  United  States  are  not  forcibly  led,  by  the 
nature  of  their  tenets,  to  adopt  democratic  and  republican 
principles,  at  least  they  are  not  necessarily  opposed  to 
them  ;  and  their  social  position,  as  ivcll  as  their  limited  num- 
ber, OBLIGES  them  to  adopt  these  opinions.  Most  of  the 
catholics  are  poor,  and  they  have  no  chance  of  taking  a 
part  in  the  government,  unless  it  be  open  to  all  the  citizens. 
They  constitute  a  minority,  and  all  rights  must  be  res- 
pected, in  order  to  insure  to  them  the  free  exercise  of 
their  own  privileges.  These  two  causes  induce  them, 
unconsciously,  to  adopt  political  doctrines,  which  they 
would,  perhaps,  support  with  less  zeal,  if  tlieij  icere  rich 
and  iweponderant' 

To  use,  then,  the  words  of  a  true-hearted  republican,! 
we  say,  '  No  I  our  liberties  must  be  preserved,  and  we 
say  firmly  to  the  popish  bishops  and  priests  among  us, 
give  us  your  declaration  of  your  relation  to  our  civil  gov- 
ernment. Kenounce  your  foreign  allegiance,  your  alle- 
giance to  a  foreign  sovereign.  Let  us  have  your  own 
avowal,  in  an  official  manifesto,  that  the  democratic  gov- 
ernment under  which  you  here  live,  delights  you  best.  Put 
your  ecclesiastical  doings  upon  as  open  and  popular  a 
footing,  as  the  other  sects.  Open  your  books  to  the  people, 
that  they  may  scrutinize  your  financial  matters,  that  the 
people,  your  own  people,  may  know  how  much  they  pay 
to  priests,  and  how  the  priests  expend  their  money ;  that 
the  poorest  who  is  taxed  from  his  hard-earned  wages  for 
church  dues,  and  the  richest  who  gives  his  gold  to  support 
your  extravagant  ceremonies,  may  equally  know  that  their 
contributions  are  not  misapplied.  Come  out  and  declare 
your  opinion  on  the  liberty  of  the  press,  on  liberty  of  con- 
science, and  liberty  of  opinion.     Americans  demand  it. 

*  Vol.  i.  p.  329. 

t Foreign  Conspiracy,  pp.  Ill,  112. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  201 

They  are  waking  up.  They  have  their  eyes  upon  you. 
Think  not  the  American  eagle  is  asleep.  Americans  are 
not  Austrians,  to  be  hood-winked  by  popish  tricks.  This 
is  a  call  upon  you,  you  will  be  obliged  soon  to  regard 
Nor  will  they  be  content  with  partial,  obscure  avowals,  of 
republican  sentiments  in  your  journals,  by  insulated  priests 
or  even  bishops.  The  American  people  will  require  a 
more  serious  testimonial  of  your  opinions  on  these  funda- 
mental political  points.  You  have  had  convocations  of 
bishops  at  Baltimore.  Let  us  have,  at  their  next  assem- 
bling, their  sentiments  on  these  vital  points.  Let  us  have 
a  document,  full  and  explicit,  signed  by  their  names  ;  a 
document  that  may  circulate  as  well  in  Austria  and  Italy, 
as  in  America.  Ay,  a  document  that  may  be  published 
*  con  permissione,'  in  the  Diario  di  Roma,  and  be  circula- 
ted to  instruct  the  faithful  in  the  united  church,  the  church 
of  but  one  mind,  in  the  sentiments  of  American  democratic 
bishops  on  these  American  principles.  Let  us  see  how 
they  will  accord  with  those  of  his  holiness,  pope  Gregory 
XVI,  in  his  late  encyclical  letter  I  Will  popish  bishops 
dare  to  put  forth  such  a  manifesto  ?     We  shall  see. 


CHAPTER    V. 


THE    LIBERALITY    OF    PRESBYTERY. 


SECTION     I  . 

True  liberality,  as  distinguished  from  bigotry  and  laiitudi- 
narianis7n,  explained. 

Closely  connected  with  the  question  of  repubhcanism, 
is  that  of  liberaUty.  The  two  things  have  become,  from 
their  inseparable  connection,  ahiiost  identified  and  synon- 
ymous. Kepubhcanism  is  based  upon  the  exercise  of  hb- 
erahty.  It  follows  necessarily,  that  any  ecclesiastical 
system  which  lays  claim  to  the  character  of  republicanism, 
must  be  able  also  to  establish  its  liberality.  No  charges 
have  been  more  confidently  made  against  presbyterianism, 
than  those  of  illiberality,  bigotry,  and  exclusiveness,^  while 
the  most  lofty  pretensions  to  charity,  liberality,  and  com- 
prehensiveness, are  continually  set  forth  by  other  denom- 
inations. It  may,  therefore,  be  of  service  to  examine  this 
matter,  and  to  offer  such  observations  as  our  brief  limits 
will  admit,  in  vindication  of  our  most  abused  and  misrep- 
resented church.  We  are  at  once  willing  to  admit,  that 
that  system  of  church  polity  and  of  doctrine  must  be  most 
scriptural,  which  most  strongly  and  most  directly  tends  to 
foster  the  holy  and  heavenly  temper  of  christian  charity 

\  *■  See  of  late  Dr.  How's  Vind.  of  the  Prot.  Ep.  Ch.  Newman's  Lect. 
on  Roman,  p.  195.  The  Charleston  Gospel  Messenger,  Feb.  1840,  p. 
368. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    UEPUBLICANISM.  203 

and  true  liberality ;  and  that  the  most  unscriptural  and 
corrupt,  which  generates  the  greatest  amount  of  illiberality 
and  bigoted  exclusiveness.  '  By  this  shall  all  men  know 
that  ye  are  my  disciples,  if  ye  have  love  one  towards 
another,  for  love  is  the  fulfilling  of  the  law.'  By  their 
fruits,  therefore,  ye  shall  know  them. 

But  there  is,  perhaps,  no  subject,  except  that  of  liberty, 
on  which  more  confused  and  erroneous  views  prevail, 
than  the  subject  of  liberality.  For  just  as  liberty  is  con- 
founded by  many  with  licentiousness,  so  is  liberality,  by 
many  others,  confounded  with  indifference  ;  and  just  as 
in  the  one  case  we  are  conducted  to  anarchy  and  the  per- 
petration of  every  evil  work,  so  are  we  in  the  other  case 
brought  to  the  verge  of  universal  skepticism. 

True  liberality  stands  equally  distinguished  from  licen- 
tiousness or  skepticism,  and  from  implicit  faith  in  the 
teaching  of  another ;  just  as  true  liberty  is  equally  dis- 
tinct from  passive  obedience  to  despotic  authority,  and 
from  that  unbridled  independence,  which,  submitting  to 
no  just  government  or  laws,  leads  necessarily  to  anarchy 
and  confusion  ;  or  as  true  liberty  of  thought,  the  right  and 
duty  of  private  judgment,  is  widely  separated  from  that 
fatalism,  which  w^ould  render  the  mind  a  mere  machine, 
under  the  direction  of  necessary  laws,  over  which  it  has 
no  control.  Liberality  is  also  to  be  distinguished  from 
what  is  improperly  termed  free  thinking,  by  w^hich  the 
mind  is  tlirown  loose  upon  its  own  vagrant  notions,  with- 
out the  government  of  any  rules,  or  the  direction  of  any 
method  or  order. 

And  as  true  liberty  is  found  in  the  just  administration 
of  wise  and  impartial  laws,  and  in  the  subjection  of  every 
member  of  the  body  politic  to  those  laws  ;  —  as  our  nat- 
ural liberty  is  only  properly  exercised  in  furtherance  of  its 
true  end  and  use,  when  determined  by  wise  motives ;  — 
and  as,  further,  true  freedom  of  thought  consists  in  tliink- 
ing  justly,  in  conformity  to  the  real  nature  of  things,  and 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

the  evidence  before  us,  and  in  not  yielding  to  the  impulse 
of  mere  feeling,  passion,  or  prejudice  ;  —  so  in  like  manner 
true  liberality  lies,  not  in  the  confounding  of  all  distinction 
between  right  and  wrong,  or  in  giving  equal  approbation 
to  truth  and  error,  but  in  making  essential  only  that  which 
is  truly  fundamental ;  in  allowing  free  difference  of  opinion 
in  things  not  clearly  essential ;  in  candidly  interpreting 
the  views  and  professions  of  those  who  differ  from  us ; 
and  in  the  ratification  of  the  great  fundamental  principle 
of  all  liberty  —  that  in  matters  of  opinion,  which  do  not 
interfere  with  the  personal  or  relative  rights  of  men,  as 
members  of  civil  society,  men  are  amenable  only  to  God, 
and  not  punishable  by  one  another.  In  short,  true  liber- 
ality is  most  comprehensively  expressed  by  the  elegant 
declaration  of  Augustine,  *  that  in  things  essential  there 
should  be  unity ;  in  things  not  essential,  liberty ;  and  in 
all  things,  charity.'^ 

But  it  is  important  more  carefully  to  analyse  the  nature 
and  bearings  of  true  liberality.  All  virtue  has  been  rep- 
resented as  a  course  of  action  midway  between  two 
extremes  or  vices,  which  are  the  perversions  of  the  truth 
for  contradictory  ends.  Liberality  is  thus  found  to  be  the 
safe  and  middle  passage  between  the  Scylla  and  Charybdis 
of  bigotry  and  latitudinarianism.  Let  us  then  ascertain 
the  bearings  and  danger  of  these  respectively. 

Bigotry  is  an  attachment  to  certain  doctrines,  forms,  or 
party,  for  other  reasons  than  their  intrinsic  excellence; 
and  in  other  measures  than  is  warranted  by  their  impor- 
tance. It  is,  therefore,  undiscriminating,  and  generally 
malicious.  Such  doctrines,  forms,  or  party,  may  or  may 
not  be  in  themselves  worthy  of  approbation ;  but  when 
they  are  adhered  to  without  proper  regard  to  the  evidence 
on  which  they  rest,  or  under  the  influence  of  improper 


*  See  Dr.  Jibot's  Disc  of  Free  Thinking,  falsely  so  called,  in  Boyle 
Lect.  Fol.  vol.  ii.  p.  740,  &c. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  205 

motives,  the  individual  so  adhering,  is  a  bigot,  and  his 
conduct  bigotry.  Bigotry  therefore  imphes  an  obstinate 
and  bhnd  attachment  to  some  particular  system ;  unreason- 
able zeal  and  warmth  in  its  defence,  and  in  favor  of  those 
who  maintain  it ;  and  excessive  prejudice  and  illiberality 
towards  those  who  differ.  It  gives  to  such  doctrines  or 
forms  an  undue  and  extravagant  importance,  without 
taking  into  account  other  facts  and  considerations,  which 
ought  to  be  viewed  in  connection  with  them.  Such  doc- 
trines, practices,  or  forms,  may  be  in  themselves  correct, 
or  even  scriptural,  but  an  importance  is  attached  to  them 
disproportioned  to  their  true  value ;  and  consequences 
deduced  from  them,  and  a  course  of  action  founded  upon 
them,  which  are  not  waiTanted  by  a  sound  understanding, 
or  by  any  thing  in  the  word  of  God.*  Bigotry,  therefore, 
is  so  far  forth  a  mental  abeiTation,  a  species  of  religious 
insanity.  It  possesses  its  victims  Avith  some  one  subject, 
and  with  the  advantages  and  benefits  supposed  to  flow 
from  it,  so  exclusively,  as  to  prevent  the  mind  from  regard- 
ing other  facts  and  considerations,  which  are  adapted  to 
remove  such  erroneous  impressions.  Like  the  insane 
person,  the  bigot  may  either  form  con*ect  data,  and  then 
reason  incorrectly  upon  them,  or  from  unsound  premises 
may  deduce  the  most  distorted  and  extravagant  inferences. 
Like  him,  too,  the  bigot  is  blind  to  all  objections,  insensible 
to  all  difficulties,  deaf  to  all  persuasion,  and  with  concen- 
trated energy  rushes  towards  his  conclusions,  as  in  them- 
selves certain  and  inevitable.  Like  him,  too,  the  bigot 
reasons  plausibly  and  ingeniously,  catching  rapidly  inci- 

*  '  Illiberality  of  mind,'  say  the  Oxford  Tractators,  (Oxf.  Tr.  vol.  i. 
pp.  427,  42S,)  'in  religious  matters,  bigotry,  intolerance,  and  the  like, 
is  the  disposition  to  make  unimportant  points  important,  to  make  them 
terms  of  communion,  watchwords  of  parties,  and  so  on.' 

'Now  the  church  catholic  acts  on  the  principle  of  insisting  on  no 
points  but  such  as  are  of  importance,  of  judging  of  opinions  variously, 
according  to  their  respective  importance,  of  acknowledging  no  parties, 
and  of  protesting  and  witnessing  against  all  party  spirit  and  party 
dogmas.' 

18 


206  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

dental  and  partial  relations,  and  making  the  worse  appear 
the  better  reason.  In  short,  certain  ideas  fix  themselves 
in  his  mind,  to  the  entire  exclusion  of  all  others,  or  at  least 
from  that  degi'ce  of  influence  with  Avhich  they  should 
aflect  his  mind,  in  his  estimate  of  the  true  nature  of  the 
subject,  and  of  its  relation  to  other  truths.  Such  is 
bigotry. 

But  there  is  a  not  less  dangerous  extreme  on  the  other 
side  ;  we  mean  latitudinarianism,  or  indifference  ;  and 
which  is  the  ordinary  article  found  in  the  market  of  the 
world,  under  the  name  of  liberality.  To  escape  from 
bigotry,  men  rush  to  the  opposite  extreme,  and  instead  of 
over-valuing  any  truths,  undervalue  all ;  put  truth  and 
error  upon  the  same  footing ;  make  essential  and  unessen- 
tial truths  of  equal  importance  ;  and  thus  proclaim  the 
absolute  indifference  of  all  opinions,  and  the  equal  correct- 
ness of  all  creeds,  practices,  and  sects.  Hence  has  been 
begotten  that  monster  of  modern  philosophy  —  the  inno- 
cence of  error.     This  boasting  pyrrhonism, 

Will  knit  and  break  religions  ;  bless  the  accursed; 
Make  the  hoar  leprosy  adored;  exalt  heresiarchs; 
And  give  them  title,  knee,  and  approbation, 
With  martyrs,  prophets,  and  apostles. 

This  is  the  '  great  truth'  of  modern  liberality ;  or  as  Junius 
styles  it,  '  that  shameful  indifference  about  the  interests 
of  society^  (w^  say  truth,)  which  too  many  of  us  profess 
and  call  moderation.'  But  nothing  can  be  more  absurd  or 
impious,  than  this  same  idolized  liberalism.  It  is  forgot- 
ten that  even  civil  liberty  and  political  tolerance,  are 
founded  upon,  and  spring  forth  from,  eternal  and  immuta- 
ble truth  ;  that  truth  which  has  triumphed  over  falsehood, 
and  its  hateful  offspring,  nncharitableness,  fire,  fagot,  and 
all  inquisitorial  arguments  against  the  persons  of  heresi- 
archs. Society  itself,  all  personal  and  social  rights,  all  the 
blessings  of  civil  and  rehgious  freedom,  depend  upon  the 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  207 

maintenance  of  truth,  and  the  rejection  of  error.  Admit 
the  principle  of  liberahsm  in  religion,  and  you  have  radi- 
calism in  politics,  and  skepticism  in  every  thing,  and  thus 
would  the  axe  be  laid  at  the  very  root  of  the  glorious  tree  of 
human  happiness.  There  is  —  there  must  be  truth,  in 
opposition  to  error,  politically,  morally,  and  religiously 
But  all  truth  is  necessarily  exclusive.  It  can  admit  of  no 
compromise  with  error.  Truth  and  error  are  the  poison 
and  the  antidote  —  the  bane  and  the  balm  —  the  weal  and 
the  wo,  of  humanity.  It  is  one  thing  to  exercise  liber- 
ality towards  the  persons  of  opponents,  and  another  thing 
to  approve  their  sentiments.  We  may  tolerate  error  — 
we  cannot  admit  its  truth.  We  may  refrain  from  all  im- 
putation upon  the  motives,  from  all  doubt  of  the  sincerity, 
and  from  all  judgment  upon  the  consciences  of  others, — 
and  yet  have  a  conscience  of  our  own.  We  may  allow 
liberty  of  conscience  to  our  fellow-men,  without  coming 
under  any  obligation  to  give  up  our  own  liberty  of  con- 
science. But  if  we  are  called  upon  to  regard  those  opin- 
ions which  differ  diametrically  from  our  own,  as  correct, 
we  are  required  to  sacrifice  our  own  liberty.  A  man's 
belief  is  a  very  different  affair,  when  considered  in  refer- 
ence to  mere  temporal  matters,  from  what  it  is  when 
religion  is  its  subject ;  whether,  in  short,  we  consider  it  as 
it  regards  his  fellow  men,  or  his  God.  On  all  subjects  in 
which  man  may  be  regarded  as  the  author,  the  speaker, 
and  the  inquirer,  there  is  ample  room  for  private  judgment, 
for  discussion,  and  for  unlimited  diversity  of  sentiment. 
But  in  religion,  where  God  is  the  Author,  and  his  word  the 
speaker  —  where  there  can  be  but  one  right  standard,  and 
one  right  interpretation,  we  are  limited  by  that  word  ;  and 
to  be  indifferent  to  it,  is  either  blasphemy  or  presumption. 
As  it  relates  to  men,  belief  is  beyond  their  control,  or 
requisition,  or  penalty,  and  is  the  proper  object  of  liber- 
ality, of  tolerance,  of  charity,  and  of  kindness,  while  at 
the  same  time  it  cannot  but  affect  our  views  of  character, 


208  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

and  trust-worthiness,  and  materially  influence  ns  in  our 
choice  of  friends  and  companions.  Belief,  as  it  relates  to 
God,  is,  however,  altogether  different.  It  is  a  manifesta- 
tion of  our  conduct  towards  Him  —  of  our  regard  to  his 
will,  whether  in  the  way  of  opposition  or  compliance  — 
and  of  our  disposition  towards  his  word,  whether  we 
receive  or  deny  it.  As  it  relates  to  God,  we  are  therefore 
responsible  for  our  behef,  and  shall  be  judged  by  it.  In 
His  sight  truth  is  truth,  and  error  error.  He  cannot  approve 
the  one,  or  condemn  the  other. 

So  far,  therefore,  as  any  man  is  called  to  act  or  speak 
for  God,  he  is  at  once  excluded  from  all  exercise  of  discre- 
tion. He  can  neither  sell,  alter,  amend,  lower,  depreciate, 
or  confound  the  truth.  He  can  neither  say  more  nor  less 
than  he  finds  in  the  written  word  of  God,  as  he  understands 
it;  leaving  however,  to  all,  the  exercise  of  their  own  un- 
derstandings in  the  interpretation  of  the  divine  oracles.  If 
the  gospel  is  a  scheme  of  divine  mercy  and  grace,  and  a 
system  of  divinely  appointed  institutions,  then  modern  Ca- 
tholicism is  nothing  short  of  infidehty.  It  is  full  of  contra- 
dictions, and  is  founded  not  upon  evidence,  but  upon  the 
want  of  it.  It  tends  to  beget  and  to  diffuse  a  deistical 
spirit,  wherever  it  is  found.*  That  abstract  general  chris- 
tianityt  which  is  no  particular  kind  of  Christianity,  and 
which  pronounces  the  unimportance  of  all  points  on  which, 
any  christians  have  differed,  can  be  only  a  very  thinly- 
veiled  deism, 

—  still  promising 
Freedom,  itself  too  sensual  to  be  free, 
Poisons  life's  amities,  and  cheats  the  soul 
Of  faith,  and  quiet  hope,  and  all  that  lifts, 
And  all  that  soothes  the  spirit.| 

That  there  should  be  among  christians  unity  and  love, 

*  See  Dr.  Emmons's  Wks.  vol.  i.  p.  36. 

t  See  Archbp.  Whateley's  Charges  and  other  Tracts,  p.  464.  And 
Bampton  Lect.  p.  44.  Also  his  Christ.  Indep.  of  the  Civil  Power, 
p.  105.  Am.  ed. 

i    Coleridge's  Poet.  Wks.  i.  137. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  209 

harmony  and  cooperation,  is  undeniable.  And  that  the 
variance  among  different  denominations  is  attended  with 
lamentable  evils,  is  no  less  certain.  The  preservation  of 
union  is  not;  however,  the  first,  greatest,  or  most  impor- 
tant of  christian  chities  —  we  are  required  to  be  '  first  pure.' 
One  great  end  of  the  organization  of  the  church  was  the 
preservation  of  the  truth,  and  the  overthrow  of  error.  But 
if  all  differences  of  opinion  are  immaterial,  where  is  the 
standard  by  which  Christianity  is  distinguished  from  deism  ? 
And  if  there  is  no  limit,  of  what  use  is  the  Bible  or  the  in- 
stitutions of  Christianity  ?  None  at  all.  The  authority  of 
scripture  is  at  once  undermined,  and  its  power  shaken, 
when  such  sentiments  are  adopted,  since  '  contending 
for  the  faith,'  though  not  in  the  spirit  of  contention,  is  a  ne- 
cessary part  of  christian  obligation.  So  also  are  zeal, 
energy,  and  devotedness  ;  but  how  can  these  coexist 
with  a  principle  that  embraces,  in  the  arms  of  charity,  all 
sects,  whether  they  profess  arianism,  socinianism,  materi- 
alism, universalism,  or  any  other  creed  ?  Such  must  be, 
and  such  have  been,  the  results  of  this  spirit  of  liberalism, 
as  is  manifest  in  the  present  and  past  condition  of  the 
churches  in  France,  in  Germany,  in  Kew  England,  and  in 
Ireland.*  '  What  do  you  perceive  every  where,'  says  the 
Abbe  La  Mennais,t  in  the  8th  ed.  of  his  Essay  on  Indiffer- 
ence, '  but  a  profound  indifference  as  to  duties  and  creeds, 
with  an  unbridled  love  of  pleasure  and  of  gold,  by  means  of 
which  any  thing  can  be  obtained  ?  All  is  bought,  for  all  is 
sold ;  conscience,  honor,  religion,  opinions,  dignities,  power, 
consideration,  respect  even  ;  a  vast  shijnvreck  of  all  truths, 


*  So  also  in  Hungary.  Speaking  ofthem,  Dr.  Duncan  says,  '  Through 
the  fires  of  oppression  these  once  famous  churches  passed,  and  shone 
with  all  the  greater  spiritual  brightness.  Now  they  enjoy  greater  ease, 
but  the  canker  of  indifference  has  blasted  all  their  beauty,  and  well- 
nigh  eaten  away  the  very  life — leaving,  I  fear,  in  most  cases,  a  politi- 
cal protestantism  instead  of  a  living  religion. — Home  and  For.  Miss. 
Record  of  the  Ch.  of  Scotl.  1842,  p.  45. 

t  In  Palmer  on  the  Ch.  vol.  i.p.  348. 

18* 


210  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

and  all  virtues.'.  '  Atheism,'  said  Leibnitz, '  will  be  the  last 
of  heresies,  and  in  effect,  indifference,  which  marches  in  its 
train,  is  not  a  doctrine,  for  genuinelndifferents  deny  nothing, 
affirm  nothing  ;  it  is  not  even  doubt,  for  doubt  being  sus- 
pense between  contrary  probabihties,  supposes  a  pre- 
vious examination ;  it  is  a  systematic  ignorance,  a  volun- 
tary sleep  of  the  soul. .  .  .  Such  is  the  hideous  and  sterile 
monster  which  they  call  indifference.  All  philosophic  the- 
ories, all  doctrines  of  impiety  have  melted  and  disappear- 
ed in  this  devouring  system From  this  fatal  system,  be- 
come almost  universal,  has  resulted,  under  the  name  of  tol- 
erance, a  new  sort  of  temptation.' 

To  yield  up  truth,  then,  is  not  a  moderate,  but  an  immod- 
erate compliance.  To  compromise  in  indifferent  matters 
is  charity  and  civility ;  but  to  do  so  where  the  interests  of 
truth  ^nd  justice  are  concerned,  is  a  manifest  renunciation 
both  of  the  one  and  the  other.  It  is  the  substitution  of  the 
fallible  standard  of  human  opinion,  for  the  infallible  rule 
of  the  divine  word. 

The  truth  of  any  opinion  as  a  doctrine  of  Christianity, 
depends  not  upon  our  view  or  belief  of  it,  but  upon  the  ev- 
idences that  it  is  indeed  a  revealed  doctrine  of  God  ; —  and 
the  necessary  character  of  that  truth  to  the  salvation  of 
man,  rests  upon  the  proofs  that  it  is  revealed,  as  siLch,  in  the 
Bible.  As  long,  therefore,  as  there  is  stronger  proof  for 
one  opinion  than  its  contrary,  as  a  doctrine  of  the  Bible, 
these  two  opinions  cannot  be  put  upon  a  level,  nor  can 
we  regard  the  one  in  the  same  light  as  the  other. 

Indolence  may  lead  men  to  approve  what  they  will  not 
examine  or  understand;  but  such  commendation  is  not  a 
virtue,  but  a  vice  ;  while  those  who  persist  in  error  through 
pride  or  bigotry,  or  enmity  to  the  truth,  deserve  not  appro- 
bation, but  condemnation.  Besides,  to  require  indiffer- 
ence to  what  must  be  regarded  as  error,  is  to  render  the 
exercise  of  charity,  that  chief  christian  grace,  impossible  ; 
for  what  is  charity,  but  the  exercise  of  forgiveness  and  al- 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  211 

lowance  towards  such  as  are  in  fault,  and  the  treating  with 
candor  and  with  personal  kindness  those  whose  principles 
we  disapprove  ?*  Finally,  it  is  not  a  little  demonstrative 
of  its  entire  insincerity  and  hypocrisy,  that  this  ciy  of  lib- 
erality is  found  in  the  months  of  those  who,  in  reference  to 
what  makes  for  their  own  interest,  are  most  rigorous  with 
their  fellow-men.  The  liberality  of  such  men  is  only  ex- 
ercised about  those  things  which  belong  not  to  themselves, 
but  to  God.  Now,  experience  has  shown  that  the  most 
intolerant  of  all  classes  of  individuals  are  those  who,  skep- 
tical themselves,  support  religion  merely  on  the  ground  of 
expediency  —  that  the  worst  of  all  fanaticism  is  the  bigotry 
of  unbelief,  and  that,  of  all  bigots,  the  worst  is  the  bigot 
to  modern  liberality.t  As  far  as  principles  are  concerned, 
certainly,  the  latitudinarian  is  the  more  hkely  to  be  in- 
tolerant, and  the  sincerely  conscientious  tolerant.  A  man 
who  is  careless  about  religious  sincerity,  may  clearly  see 
and  appreciate  the  political  convenience  of  religious  uni- 
formity ;  and  if  he  has  no  religious  scruples  of  his  own, 
he  will  not  be  the  more  likely  to  be  tender  of  the  religious 
scruples  of  others  ;  if  he  is  ready  himself  to  profess  what 
he  does  not  believe,  he  will  see  no  reason  why  others 
should  not  do  the  same.J 

'  Cruel,  then,  must  that  indifference  needs  be,  that 
shall  violate  the  strict  necessity  of  conscience  ;  merciless 
and  inhuman  that  free  choice  and  hberty,  that  shall  break 
asunder  the  bonds  of  religion.'^ 

'Judge  by  the  fruits  it  bears,  the  stately  tree,  || 

Not  by  its  seeming  liberality, 

A  thing  most  noble,  if 't  is  not  abused, 

May  yet  be  overstrained  ;  thus,  now  no  more, 

*  See  Whateley's  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  217,  3d  ed. 

t  See  Edinb.  Rev.  Jan.  1S37,  p.  2G9. 

J  Whateley's  Kingdom  of  Christ,  Essay  i.  pp.4S,49.     Eng.  ed. 

§  Milton's  Prose  Wks.  vol.i.  p.  38. 

II  The  Deity,  a  Poem,  by  T.  Wragg.     Lond.  1834.  2d  ed.  p.  291. 


212  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

Scorned  and  accounted  as  a  general  foe, 
Forth  from  the  ambush  where  he  lay  concealed, 
Stalked  Infidelity  abroad,  unshamed  ; 
With  wily  arts  deceived  the  nations  long, 
Like  some  huge  mountain-torrent,  in  its  course 
Widening  and  overturning,  led  men  on, 
Unto  the  last  tremendous  battle-field. 
Of  the  Lord  God  Almighty.' 

*  At  the  exact  close  of  the  prophetic  period,'  says  Dr.  Cro- 
ly,  'ill  1793,  the  126nth  year  from  the  birth  of  the  papal 
supremacy,  a  power,  new  to  all  eyes,  suddenly  started  up 
among  the  nations  ;  an  Infidel  democracy  !  France,  rend- 
ing away  her  ancient  robes  of  royalty  and  laws,  stood  be- 
fore mankind  a  spectacle  of  naked  crime. 

'  But  persecution  had  still  its  work.  —  All  the  churches 
of  the  republic  were  closed.  All  the  rites  of  religion  were 
forbidden.  Baptism  and  the  communion  were  to  be  ad- 
ministered no  more.  The  seventh  day  was  to  be  no  long- 
er sacred ;  but  a  tenth  was  substituted  ;  and  on  that  day 
a  public  orator  was  to  read  a  discourse  on  the  wisdom  of 
atheism.  The  reign  of  the  demon  was  resistless.  While 
Voltaire  and  Marat  (infidelity  and  massacre  personified) 
were  raised  to  the  honors  of  idolatry,  the  tombs  of  the  kings, 
warriors,  and  statesmen  of  France  were  torn  open,  and  the 
relics  of  men  whose  names  were  a  national  glory,  tossed 
about  in  the  licentious  sport  of  the  populace.  Immortali- 
ty was  publicly  pronounced  a  dream  ;  and  on  the  gates  of 
the  cemeteries  was  written,  '  death  is  an  eternal  sleep  I ' 
In  this  general  outburst  of  frenzy,  all  the  forms  and  feel- 
ings of  religion,  true  or  false,  were  alike  trodden  under  the 
feet  of  the  multitude.  Despotism  had  been  subtle,  ambi- 
tious, and  revengeful ;  republics  stern  and  cruel;  democ- 
racies wild,  capricious,  and  sanguinary.  But  there  was 
still  a  saving  principle;  religion  was  not  altogether  abjur- 
ed. But  now  all  religion  was  abjured ;  and  as  the  act 
was  utterly  without  example,  so  were  the  horrors  that  in- 


ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM.        213 

stantly  followed.  Vice  itself  assumed  a  blacker  hue  — 
'  A  hundred  thousand  heads  must  fall  I '  was  the  unequiv- 
ocal principle  of  tlie  leaders  of  the  state.  The  fact  out- 
ran the  calculation,  and  the  massacre  amounted  to  mil- 
lions. The  scaffold  groaned  from  morning  till  night.  The 
leaders  themselves  were  successively  swept  away  in  the 
cataract  of  blood  which  they  had  let  loose.  Atheism,  the 
last  fury  of  the  mind,  had  brought  in  anarchy,  the  last  tor- 
ture of  nations.' 

That  man,  therefore,  whose  own  conscience  is  tender,  and 
his  sense  of  religion  deepfelt  and  sincere,  will  be,  (so  far 
forth, )  the  more  disposed  to  respect  the  conscience  of  anoth- 
er, and  to  avoid  giving  occasion  to  hypocritical  professions. 
His  own  faith  being  founded  on  genuine  conviction,  he 
will  seek  for  the  genuine  conviction  of  others,  and  not 
their  forced  conformity.  He  will  remember,  that '  the  high- 
est truth,  if  professed  by  one  wdio  believes  it  not  in  his 
heart,  is,  to  him,  a  lie,  and  that  he  sins  greatly  by  profess- 
ing it.'* 

True  liberahty,  then,  is  not  indifference.  They  are  es- 
sentially distinct.  Indifference,  or  modern  Catholicism, 
consists  in  looking  upon  all  opinions  as  equally  doubtful, 
or  at  least,  as  equally  good.  Liberality  consists  in  ab- 
staining from  condemning  as  guilty  of  evil  intention,  those 
who  profess  opinions  which  we  consider  false  or  per- 
nicious. Therefore,  we  can  have  the  most  ardent  zeal  for 
truth,  and  the  most  entire  tolerance  for  the  persons  of 
those  who  reject  it.  We  can  detest  error,  and  yet  cherish 
him  that  deceives  himself  t  We  are  not  obliged,  in  or- 
der to  escape  from  bigotry,  to  adopt  the  monstrous  conclu- 
sion, that  religion  is  altogether  a  matter  of  no  consequence. 
True  liberality  teaches,  that  religion  is  a  matter  between 

*  Whateley,  ibid,  p.  49. 

t  See  Degerando  on  Self  Educ.  p.  71.     Whateley 's  Bampton  Lect. 
'  p.  44.     Charges  and  Tracts,  p.  463. 


214  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

each  man's  own  conscience  and  God  —  that  no  one's  re- 
ligious opinions,  so  long  as  he  does  not  molest  his  neigh- 
bor's civil  rights,  ought  to  interfere  with  his  own  ; —  and 
that,  as  men,  we  should  employ  our  conscience  to  sit  in 
judgment  on  ourselves,  not  on  our  brother ;  whose  reli- 
gious errors,  however  great,  and  scruples,  however  foolish, 
should  not  prevent  us  from  treating  him  as  a  good  citizen, 
so  long  as  he  shows  himself  qualified  and  disposed  to  act 
as  such. 

True  liberality,  therefore,  is  easily  distinguished  from 
bigotry  and  indifference. "^  The  bigoted  man  so  narrows 
his  mind  to  the  compass  of  his  belief,  as  to  exclude  every 
other  object;  the  liberal  man  directs  his  views  to  every 
object  which  does  not  directly  interfere  with  his  belief. 
It  is  possible  for  the  bigoted  and  the  liberal  man  to  have 
the  same  faith ;  but  the  former  mistakes  its  true  ob- 
ject and  tendency.  Indifference,  on  the  other  hand,  al- 
lows every  man  to  think  as  he  pleases ;  to  despise  the 
opinions  of  others  ;  to  hold  nothing  sacred  but  his  own  con- 
ceits ;  and  to  accommodate  his  views  to  his  inclinations. 
Of  all  mental  aberrations,  this  boasted  freedom  is  the 
most  obnoxious,  as  it  is  fostered  by  the  pride  of  the  heart 
and  the  vanity  of  the  imagination.  Both  bigotry  and  in- 
difference are  the  offspring  of  ignorance  ;  while  true  lib- 
erality is  the  handmaid  of  knowledge,  and  the  daughter  of 
truth  and  charity. t 

Patriotism  is  not  a  blind  attachment  to  a  particular 
society,  nor  a  hardened  indifference  to  the  rights,  inter- 
ests, and  welfare  of  other  nations.  This  sentiment,  which, 
when  guided  by  wisdom  and  justice,  is  useful ;  has,  when 
unrestrained  in  its  intensity,  turned  states  into  gangs  of 
robbers ;  has  constituted  their  mutual  fidelity  the  more 
dangerous  ;  has  aggravated  the  atrocities  of  war  ;  and 
generated  the  worst  of  all  political  evils,  the  tyranny  of  na- 

*  Crabbe's  Synonymes,p.  432.     Eng.  ed. 
t  See  Rennel  on  Skepticism,  pp.  3-5. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM,  215 

tions  over  nations.  True  patriotism  is  founded  injustice. 
It  breathes  the  spirit  of  charity  and  kindness.  It  looks 
with  complacency  upon  the  prosperity  of  others,  and  seeks 
for  its  own  country  no  more  than  a  worthy  emulation  af- 
ter whatsoever  things  are  true,  pure,  and  noble. 

Now  it  is  equally  plain,  that  the  exclusive  bigotry  which 
founds  its  claim  to  catholicity  upon  the  excommunication  of 
all  other  churches,  or  their  subjugation  to  the  tyranny  of  its 
ecclesiastical  uniformity,  is  not  christian  patriotism,  or  the 
charity  and  catholicity  of  the  gospel.  Enthusiastically  at- 
tached as  are  its  abettors  to  the  name,  they  repudiate  the 
reality  ;  and  while  glorying  in  their  universahty,  and  their 
privileges,  they  resemble  the  Spartans,  who,  while  pro- 
claiming their  liberty,  were  bound  by  ten  thousand  absurd 
restraints,  and  compelled  to  talk  in  a  peculiar  style,  and  to 
assume  a  peculiar  manner.  Christian  charity  is  truly  lib- 
eral in  its  tolerance  of  all  minor  and  unessential  differen- 
ces ;  in  its  recognition  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  all 
christian  bodies  ;  in  hoping  the  best  of  all,  and  thinking 
evil  of  none  ;  and  in  seeking  for  itself  only  a  preeminence 
in  doctrine,  order,  and  worship,  as  measured  by  the  divine 
rule. 


E  C  T  I  O  N     II. 


The  liberality   of  the  presbyterian  church,  in  her  general 
princvples  as  to  the  nature  of  the  christian  church. 

That  middle  position  which  we  have  thus  defined,  the 
true  christian  patriotism,  equally  removed  from  exclusive 
bigotry  and  from  latitudinarian  indifference,  the  Presbyte- 
rian Church  desires  to  occupy.  She  holds  the  truth  but  in 
the  spirit  of  charity;  and  without  condemning  other  church- 
es as  fundamentally  false,  believes  her  own  to  be  apostoli- 


216  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

cal  and  true.  She  despises  not  other  churches,  and  yet  does 
she  hold  it  to  be  incontrovertibly  plain,  that  her  own  de- 
nomination is  to  be  preferred  to  all  others.  The  presbyte- 
rian  churches  proclaim,  as  they  believe,  mxore  gospel  truth 
than  many  others.  They  present  fewer  hindrances  in  the 
way  to  that  godUness  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus,  than  any 
others.  Their  constitution  and  rales  they  regard  as  more 
consonant  to  the  holy  scriptures  than  any  others.  Great- 
er restraint  can  be  laid  upon  scandalous  vices  and  sins  by 
them,  than  by  any  other  systems  ;  while  less  opportuni- 
ty is  given  for  the  progress  of  errors  than  in  other  denomi- 
nations. By  these,  and  similar  advantages,  the  presby- 
terian  church  commends  herself  to  the  preference  of  all 
her  members.  But  while  claiming  to  be  more  purely  scrip- 
tural and  apostolical,  she  rejoices  in  the  truth,  that  '  ev- 
ery church  which  professes  the  true  catholic  faith,  and  im- 
poses only  catholic  terms  of  communion,  and  is  ready,  out 
of  the  principles  of  brotherly  love  and  charity,  (that  ce- 
ment of  catholic  communion,)  to  communicate  with  all 
churches,  and  to  receive  all  churches  to  her  communion 
upon  these  terms,  is  a  truly  catholic  church.'* 

Our  church  distinguishes  between  the  presbyterian 
church,  as  a  true  branch  of  the  catholic  visible  church, 
and  that  universal  church.  *  The  visible  church,'  says 
our  confession,  considered  as  '  catholic  or  universal  under 
the  gospel,  (that  is.  not  confined  to  one  nation  as  before, 
under  the  law,)  consists  of  all  those,  throughout  the  world, 
that  profess  the  true  religion,  together  with  their  children, 
and  is  the  kingdom  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  house 
and  family  of  God,  out  of  which  there  is  no  ordinary  pos- 
sibility of  salvation.'!  The  visible  church,  spokc]i  of  in 
our  confession,  is  therefore  coextensive  with  the  human 
family,  and  embraces  all  of  every  name,  age,  and  country, 
who  profess  the  true  religion.     Our  confession  goes  on  to 

*  Notes  of  the  Ch.  Exam.  p.  13. 
t  Conf,  of  Faith,  ch.  xxv.  \  1. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  217 

sliow,  that  under  this  cathoHc  visible  church  are  to  be  in- 
chided  all  '  particular  churches,  which  are  members 
thereof,  and  which  are  more  or  less  pure.'*  Far  from 
excluding  any  branch  of  the  church  of  Christ  from  her 
definition  of  the  catholic  visible  church,  they  are  all 
expressly  included,  as  more  or  less  pure ;  while  the  only 
term  of  communion,  which  is  laid  down  as  essential  to  a 
membership  in  this  visible  church,  is  the  profession  of 
the  true  religion. 

Beyond  this  our  church  could  not  possibly  go ;  and 
therefore  does  she  declare,  that  beyond  this  universal 
church,  as  thus  including  all  w^ho  profess  the  true  faith, 
'there  is  no  ordinary  possibility  of  salvation.'  It  is  not 
affirmed,  that  there  is  absolutely  no  possible  salvation  to 
any  others.  Neither  is  it  said,  that  there  is  no  cove- 
nanted salvation  to  any  others.  All  that  is  taught  is, 
that,  so  far  as  the  scriptures  teach,  there  is  no  ordinary 
possibility  of  salvation  without  the  knowledge  and  pro- 
fession of  the  true  faith. 

It  is  indeed  further  laid  down,  that  *  unto  this  catholic 
visible  church,  Christ  hath  given  the  ministry,  oracles, 
and  ordinances  of  God;'  but  it  is  not  taught  that  this 
ministry  can  consist  only  of  presbyters,  ordained  by  a 
presbyterian  church ;  or,  that  these  ordinances  can  be 
validly  administered  only  by  such,  and  after  the  manner 
prescribed  in  our  form  of  worship.  On  the  contrary,  it  is 
most  explicitly  taught,  in  the  very  next  chapter  of  our 
book,t  that  '  all  saints  that  are  united  to  Jesus  Christ, 
their  head,  by  his  spirit  and  by  faith  .  .  .  have  com- 
munion in  each  other's  gifts  and  graces,  .  .  .  are 
bound  to  maintain  an  holy  fellowship  and  communion  in 
the  worship  of  God,  and  in  performing  such  other  spiritual 
services  as  tend  to  their  mutual  edification,  .  .  .  which 
communion,  as  God  oifereth  opportunity,  is  to  be  extended 

*  Ch.  XXV.  §  4.  t  Ch.  xxvi.  §  1. 

19 


218  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

unto  ALL  those,  who,  in  every  place,  call  upon  the  name 
of  the  Lord  Jesns.*' 

In  like  manner,  our  church  declares,  among  the  pre- 
liminary principles  of  the  Form  of  Government,  chapter  i. 
section  1,  'that  God  alone  is  Lord  of  the  conscience,  and 
hath  left  it  free  from  the  doctrines  and  commandments 
of  men,  which  are  in  any  thing  contrary  to  his  word,  or 
beside  it  in  matters  of  faith  or  worship ;  therefore  they 
[the  framers  of  our  presbyterian  constitution]  consider 
the  rights  of  private  judgment,  in  all  matters  that  respect 
religion,  as  universal  and  unalienable  ;  they  do  not  even 
wish  to  see  any  religious  constitution,  aided  by  the  civil 
power,  further  than  may  be  necessary  for  protection  and 
security,  and,  at  the  same  time,  be  equal  and  common  to 
all  others.' 

So  far,  respecting  rights  purely  civil.  In  relation  to  the 
ecclesiastical  rights  of  religious  associations,  respecting 
their  own  government  and  discipline,  the  same  chapter 
continues  to  say :  '  2.  In  perfect  consistency  with  the 
above  principle  of  common  right,  every  christian  church, 
or  union  or  association  of  particular  churches,  is  entitled 
to  declare  the  terms  of  admission  into  its  communion,  and 
the  qualifications  of  its  ministers  and  members,  as  well 
as  the  whole  system  of  its  internal  government,  which 
Christ  hath  appointed.  In  the  exercise  of  this  right, 
they  may  notwithstanding  err,  in  making  the  terms  of 
communion  either  too  lax  or  too  narrow  ;  yet,  even  in  this 
case,  they  do  not  infringe  upon  the  liberty  or  the  rights  of 
others,  but  only  make  an  improper  use  of  their  own.' 
3,  declares,  that  our  Saviour  hath  appointed  officers  in 
his  church  to  preach,  administer  the  sacraments,  and 
exercise   discipline.     4,  declares,  *  that  truth  is  in  order 

*  This  shows  the  virulent  enmity  which  induces  prelatists  (such 
as  Dr.  How,  (see  above,)  and  Ronnanists,  such  as  bishop  Hughes, 
(see  Discussion  with  Breckinridge,  p.  291,)  to  attempt  to  confine  the 
above  language  to  professors  of  the  presbyterian  faith. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  219 

to  goodness'  —  'that  no  opinion  can  be  more  pernicioas 
or  absuixl,  than  that  which  brings  truth  and  falsehood 
upon  a  level,  and  represents  it  as  of  no  consequence 
what  a  man's  opinions  are '  — '  that,  on  the  contrary,  there 
is  an  inseparable  connection  between  faith  and  practice, 
truth  and  duty.  Otherwise  it  would  be  of  no  conse- 
quence to  discover  truth,  or  to  embrace  it.'  '  5.  That 
while,  under  the  conviction  of  the  above  principle,  they 
think  it  necessary  to  make  effectual  provision,  that  all 
who  are  admitted  as  teachers  be  sound  in  the  faith,  they 
also  believe  there  are  truths  and  forms,  respecting  which 
men  of  good  character  and  principles  may  differ ;  and,  in 
all  these,  they  think  it  the  duty,  both  of  private  christians 
and  societies,  to  exercise  mutual  forbearance  towards 
each  other.' 

In  the  Form  of  Government,  chap.  ii.  the  true  religion 
is  explained  to  be  '  the  holy  religion  of  Christ'     In  section 

4,  it  says,  '  this  catholic  church  hath  been  sometimes 
more,  sometimes  less,  visible  ;  and  particular  churches, 
which  are  members  thereof,  are  more  or  less  pure,  ac- 
cording as  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel  is  taught  and 
embraced,  ordinances  administered,  and  public  Avorship 
performed,  more  or  less  purely  among  them.'     Section 

5.  '  The  purest  churches  under  heaven  are  subject  both 
to  mixture  and  error,  and  some  have  so  degenerated  as 
to  become  no  churches  of  Christ,  but  synagogues  of 
satan.'  Section  6.  '  There  is  no  other  head  of  the 
church  but  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ ;  nor  can  the  pope  of 
Rome  be  in  any  sense  the  head  thereof,  but  is  that  anti- 
Christ,'  &:c.  In  the  second  diopter  in  the  Form  of  Gov- 
ernment, we  are  instructed,  that  '  a  particular  church 
consists  of  a  number  of  professing  christians,  wdth  their 
offspring,  voluntarily  associated  together  for  divine  wor- 
ship and  godly  living,  agreeably  to  the  holy  scripture, 
and  submitting  to  a  certain  form  of  government.'  There 
is,  in  all  these  teachings,  a  careful  and  manifest  dis- 


220  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

tinction  made  between  the  essentials  of  a  church,  and 
those  things  which  are  vahiable,  so  far  as  they  sustain 
and  carry  out  those  essentials,  but  which,  in  themselves 
considered,  are  not  fundamental. 

We  shall  now  jiresent  a  connected  view  of  Avhat  we 
understand  to  be  the  purport  and  practical  use  of  these 
principles ;  and,  in  doing  so,  Ave  shall  employ  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Synod  of  Virginia,  in  its  recent  Pastoral 
Letter  to  the  churches  under  their  care,  on  intercourse 
with  other  denominations  of  christians.* 

•  First,  then,  we,  as  a  church,  claim  no  sort  of  civil  rights 
or  immunities  for  ourselves,  which  we  do  not  claim 
equally  and  indiscriminately  for  all  other  denominations 
of  christians ;  and  all  that  we  claim  of  the  civil  power, 
and  all  that  we  are  willing  that  it  should  bestow,  is  equal 
protection,  for  us,  and  all,  in  the  exercise  of  our  religious 
duties,  and  the  management  of  our  ecclesiastical  affairs. 
In  matters  purely  religious,  we  hold  that  every  man,  and 
every  society,  have  an  absolute  and  unalienable  right  to 
do  whatsoever  may  seem  unto  them  good,  so  long  as 
they  do  nothing  inconsistent  with  the  rights  of  others,  or 
dangerous  to  the  joeace  and  good  order  of  civil  society. 

*  All  denominations  of  christians  are  equally  entitled  to 
the  privilege  of  associating  together,  of  worshipping  God 
in  their  own  way,  of  preaching  and  defending  their  own 
doctrines,  and  of  controverting  the  doctrines  of  others, 
whensoever,  wheresoever,  and  howsoever  they  may 
choose,  provided  they  trespass  not  upon  the  civil  rights 
of  others. 

'  Should  it  so  happen,  that  all  the  families  of  a  town  or 
neighborhood  had  for  ages  belonged  to  one  of  our  congre- 
gations, this  would  give  us  no  exclusive  right  to  exercise 
our  ministry  there.     Any  man  might  legally  come  and 


*  Adopted,  Oct.  15th,  1842,  and  very  generally  approved  and  pub- 
lished. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  2  21 

offer  to  teach  his  own  doctrines  to  such  as  were  wiUing  to 
receive  him  ;  and  we  could  not  justly  comiolain  of  him  as 
a  trespasser  upon  our  rights, 

'  But,  whilst  we  profess  the  doctrine  of  rehgious  free- 
dom, in  its  widest  sense,  we  must  not  confound  two 
things  so  essentially  distinct  as  the  rights  which  we 
claim  under  the  law  of  the  land,  as  members  of  civil  so- 
ciety, and  the  rules  of  conduct  which  Christ  prescribes  to 
the  members  of  his  church,  and  to  the  churches  as  organ- 
ized associations.  The  law  of  the  land  necessarily  suffers 
many  things  to  be  done  with  impunity  which  the  moral 
law  condemns,  and  the  gospel  declares  to  be  inconsistent 
with  the  duties  which  christians  owe  to  one  another. 

'  Seco7idly.  We,  as  a  church,  concede  to  others  not  only 
the  civil,  but  the  ecclesiastical  right,  to  organize  them- 
selves under  such  form  of  government,  and  with  such 
rules  of  discipline,  and  terms  of  communion,  as  they  may 
deem  most  scriptural  and  most  conducive  to  their  spiritual 
welfare.  The  extracts  from  our  standards  show,  that 
while  we  hold  some  certain  form  of  government  to  be 
essential  to  the  existence  of  a  church,  which  is  in  its  na- 
ture an  organized  society,  we  do  not  consider  one  par- 
ticular form  of  government  exclusively  valid  and  neces- 
sary. AVe  prefer  our  presbyterian  system,  as,  on  the 
whole,  most  conformable  to  the  primitive  pattern,  and 
most  salutary  in  its  practical  operation  ;  but  we  can  freely 
acknowledge,  as  sister  churches  in  the  kingdom  of  Jesus, 
those  who  adopt  the  congregational  scheme,  or  the  epis- 
copal system  of  three  orders  of  ministers.  We  recognise 
the  validity  of  their  ministry  and  sacraments ;  we  com- 
mune freely  with  them,  not  only  in  our  churches,  but  in 
theirs,  unless  excluded  by  their  rules  and  principles. 

'  You  know  fully  our  practice  of  inviting  their  ministers 
into  our  pulpits,  and  their  members  to  our  communion- 
table. You  know  also,  that  you  are  at  perfect  liberty,  as 
presbyterians,  to  meet  with  them  in  their  churches,  and 
19# 


222  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

to  receive  the  sacrament  from  the  hands  of  their  minis- 
ters. Of  course,  we  do  not  advise  you  to  forsake  your 
own  church  and  ministry,  to  attend  the  meetings  of 
others.  This  would  be  an  absurd  and  pernicious  custom 
in  any  denomination,  because  it  would  disorganize  the 
church  itself  and  destroy  all  settled  principles  and  habits 
or  order  in  the  members.  They  whose  ears  are  ever 
itching  for  novelty,  and  who  run  about  from  church  to 
church,  discover  a  levity  and  unsteadiness  of  mind  incon- 
sistent with  an  enlightened  faith,  and  with  any  sound 
principles  of  piety.  Far  better  serve  God  with  settled 
views,  though  erroneous  in  some  immaterial  points,  than 
be  '  unstable  as  water,'  and  '  carried  about  with  every 
wind  of  doctrine."* 

In  addition  to  the  sentiments  presented  in  this  paper, 
another  consideration  must  be  added,  in  order  to  complete 
our  views  of  the  church.  '  The  presbyterian  church  in  the 
United  States,'  says  Dr.  Rice,t  '  lays  very  great  stress  on 
the  terms  voluntarily  associated.  During  many  ages,  and 
in  many  parts  of  the  world,  it  has  been  held,  that  the 
church  possesses  authority  to  compel  men  to  receive  her 
doctrines,  and  submit  to  her  discipline.     This  pretension 


*  A  resolution  of  similar  import  was  passed  also  within  a  few 
years  by  the  Synod  of  S.  C.  and  Georgia.  That  these  are  the  views, 
not  merely  of  the  liberal  party  in  our  church,  but  of  the  '  straitest 
sect'  among  us,  will  be  seen  from  the  following  quotation  from  the 
Baltimore  Lit.  and  Relig.  Mag.  by  Dr.  R.  J.  Breckinridge,  for  1840,  p. 
582.  '  The  question  of  intercommunion  amongst  christian  denom- 
inations is  occupying  the  attention  of  various  conductors  of  the  public 
press.  We  beg  leave  to  refer  our  readers  to  the  January  number  of 
this  Magazine  for  the  present  year,  pp.  39  -  44,  where  they  will  lind 
an  article  headed  '  Unity  of  the  Church,^  and  signed  '  Catholicus  ■*  in 
which  the  whole  case  is  put  in  a  very  simple  light.  That  article  is  a 
contribution  to  our  pages,  by  one  of  the  oldest,  most  admired,  and 
most  extensively  known  ministers  of  Christ  now  alive  ;  and  we  cor- 
dially assent  to  its  general  principles  and  spirit.  We  give  its  con- 
cluding sentence:  '  Christians,  then,  may  lawfully  associate  in  separate 
companies,  and  under  a  peculiar  regimen,  but  they  may  not  exclude 
any  of  ChrisVs  disciples  from  his  table,  and  the  privileges  of  his  house.^ 
The  italics  are  the  author's. 

t  Evang.  Mag.  vol.  ix.  p.  300. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM.  223 

grows  naturally  oat  of  that  transfer  of  power,  which  it 
has  been  maintained  that  Jesus  Christ  made  to  his 
chnrch.  Hence  originated  Acts  of  Uniformittj,  High 
Commission,  and  Star  Chamber  Courts ;  the  Inquisition, 
with  all  its  infernal  apparatus  ;  the  stake  and  the  wheel, 
as  instruments  of  conversion.  Hence,  too,  in  the  name 
of  the  God  of  mercy,  of  the  most  holy  and  ever  blessed 
Trinity,  acts  of  cruelty  have  been  perpetrated  without 
number,  of  which  fanatical  and  bloody-minded  heathens 
might  well  be  ashamed.  A  consideration  of  this  subject, 
and  careful  examination  of  scripture,  have  convinced  the 
presbyterian  church,  that  it  is  of  unspeakable  importance 
to  lay  sound  principles  at  the  foundation  of  the  christian 
association ;  and  to  let  it  be  seen,  that  religious  liberty, 
from  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  belongs  to  the  members 
of  the  church.  They  form  their  society  voluntarily!  They 
maintain,  that,  '  in  respect  to  God,  no  person  who  lives 
under  the  sound  of  the  gospel  is  at  liberty  to  do  as  he 
pleases,  to  embrace  the  gospel  or  reject  it,  as  suits  his 
inclination.  But  in  respect  to  the  authority  of  the 
church,  every  man  ought,  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  to 
be  left  to  his  own  w411.  The  reason  is,  that  religion  is 
essentially  a  matter  of  choice.  It  cannot  exist  in  the 
heart  except  as  it  is  chosen.  There  is  no  human  power, 
the  exercise  of  which  can  cause  this  choice  to  be  made  : 
there  is  no  human  knowledge,  which  can  take  cognizance 
of  the  heart,  and  decide  on  the  character  of  its  operations. 
When  the  church,  then,  undertakes  to  do  more  than  de- 
clare the  will  of  Christ,  it  manifestly  undertakes  to  exer- 
cise power  which  it  does  not  possess.' 


224  ECCLESIASTICAL   RErUBLICANlSM. 


SECTION      III. 

Tlic  Uhcrality  of  the  iwcsbytcrian  church,  in  her  doctrine 
of  the  sacraments. 

Nor  is  oiirclmrch  less  charitable  in  the  views  she  gives 
of  the  sacraments.  Dr.  How,  and  other  prelatists,  have 
endeavored  to  fix  upon  our  church  the  charge  of  an  ex- 
clusiveness  as  abhorrent  as  their  own.  Dr.  How  affirms,* 
that  '  the  standards  of  the  presbyterial  societies  ex- 
pressly declare,  that  there  is  no  covenanted  possibility  of 
salvation  out  of  the  visible  church.'  In  substantiation  of 
this  position,  he  quotes  the  following  passage  from  our 
Confession  of  Faith.f  '  The  visible  church  %  is  the  king- 
dom of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  house  and  family  of 
God,  out  of  which  there  is  no  ordinary  possibility  of  sal- 
vation.' 

He  further  quotes,  from  the  larger  catechism,  the  two 
following  answers :  §  'A  sacrament  is  a  holy  ordinance, 
instituted  by  Christ  in  his  church,  to  signify,  seal,  and 
exhibit  unto  those  that  are  within  the  covenant  of 
GRACE,  the  benefits  of  his  mediation ;  and  to  distinguish 
them  from  those  that  are  WITHOUT.'  *  Baptism  is  not 
to  be  administered  to  any  that  are  out  of  the  visible 

CHURCH,  and  so  STRANGERS  FROM   THE  COVENANT  OF 

PROMISE,  until  they  profess  their  faith  in  Christ,  and  obe- 
dience to  him.'  He  then  adds  :  II  *  The  position,  that  the 
standards  of  presbyterial  societies  confine  all  covenanted 
possibility  of  salvation   within   the   pale  of  the   visible 

*  Vindic.  of  the  Prot.  Ep.  Ch.     N.  York,  181G,  p.  22. 

\  We  omit  his  quotation  from  the  old  Scottish  Confession  of  Faith, 
which  never  was  in  any  way  in  force  in  this  country,  although  it  will 
be  equally  explained  by  our  remarks. 

\  Vind.  of  the  Prot.  Ep.  Ch.     N.  York,  181G,  p.  23. 

S  Pp.  2,  24,  162,  166.     ||  P.  25. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  225 

church,  is  tliiis  completely  estahlished ;  the  passages 
cited  being  of  so  very  marked  a  character,  as  to  leave  no 
room  for  evasion.' 

But  this  conclusion  is  founded  upon  a  false  view  of 
the  doctrine  of  our  standards,  upon  unfair  quotations 
from  them,  and  upon  sophistical  reasoning.  It  is  founded 
upon  a  false  view  of  the  doctrine  of  our  standards.  The 
impression  here  made  upon  every  reader's  mind,  is,  that 
in  the  passages  quoted  above,  the  terms  'visible  church,' 
are  to  be  understood  of  '  the  presbyterian  church,'  and 
that,  therefore,  out  of  it  there  is  no  ordinary  possibility 
of  salvation.  This  is  plain  from  what  is  said  by  this 
author  further  on.  '  Pardon  and  salvation,  then,  are 
secured  by  covenant,  to  such  societies  as  are  founded  on 
presbyterial  ordination,  and  to  such  only.'* 

But  from  what  has  been  alreo.dy  said  as  to  the  doctrine 
of  our  standards,  concerning  the  visible  church,  it  will  be 
at  once  apparent,  that  this  impression  is  entirely  false, 
since,  by  the  visible  churcli,  our  church  expressly  under- 
stands '  ALL  those,  throughout  the  world,  that  profess  the 
true  religion,'  including  all  particular  churches,  whether 
more  or  less  pure,  and  whether  prelatical  or  presbyterian. 
And  therefore  does  it  follow,  that  it  is  out  of  this  body, 
that  is,  beyond  all  professing  christians,  that  there  is  no 
ordinary  possibility  of  salvation,  and  not  out  of  the  pres- 
byterian branch  of  the  church.  The  sacraments  also  are 
here  represented  as  having  been  given  to  this  catholic 
visible  church,  and  not  to  the  presbyterian,  or  to  any 
other  branch  of  it.  But  for  the  unfair  and  partial  quota- 
tions made  by  Dr.  How,  with  a  design  to  hide,  and  thus 
pervert,  the  truth,  this  view  of  our  doctrine  would  have 
been  manifest  unto  all  men.  Nor  can  his  inference  be 
eked  out,  even  from  his  own  most  unfair  and  garbled 
quotations,  but  by  the  most  sophistical  reasoning.     The 

*  P.  32,  in  a  note,  this  sentiment  is  repeated. 


226         ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM. 

whole  doctiinc  of  the  divine  covenants  was  evidently  a 
mystery  to  this  prelatical  advocate,  who  could  conceive 
of  no  other  covenant,  than  one  conferring  ecclesiastical 
privileges  upon  some  exclusively  favored  church.  '  The 
covenant  of  grace,'  he  would  seem  never  to  have  heard  of  * 
'  The  covenant  of  promise,'  was  to  him  an  enigma.  And  our 
whole  doctrine  beyond  the  depth  of  his  theological  re- 
searches. In  order,  therefore,  to  the  '  complete  establish- 
ment' of  his  charge,  this  redoubted  champion  of  the  pre- 
lacy, translates  *  tlie  visible  church,'  —  which,  we  have  seen, 
includes  all  j)articular  churches,  —  by  '  the  'preshijlerian 
church!  He  also  renders  '  the  covenant  of  grace,' 
(wherein  as  our  standards  teach,  '  God  freely  ofiereth 
unto  sinners  life  and  salvation  by  Jesus  Christ,  .  .  . 
and  promises  to  give  unto  all  those  that  are  ordained 
unto  life,  his  Holy  Spirit,  to  make  them  willing  and  able 
to  believe,'!)  by  —  the  charter  of  the  presbyterian  church. 
He  interprets,  thirdly,  '  them  that  are  without,'  that  is, 
without  or  beyond  this  covenant  of  grace,  by  '  them  that 
are  without  the  pale  of  our  particular  church.'  And, 
fourthly,  he  translates  *  ordinary!  ('  no  ordinary  possibility 
of  salvation,'  &c.)  by  the  opposite  term  of  '  covenanted! 
Such  absurdities,  one  Avould  think,  must  have  been  de- 
signedly put  forth,  with  malice  aforethought,  since,  in  the 
same  chapter  of  our  book  from  which  this  author  quotes, 
the  true  nature  and  universal  reference  of  this  covenant 
of  grace  is  most  fully  declared.^ 

=^=  See  also  p.  94. 

t  Conf.  of  Faith,  ch.  vii.  §  3. 

t  See  sections  v.  and  vi.  '  The  covenant  of  grace  was  differently  ad- 
ministered in  the  time  of  the  law,  and  in  the  time  of  the  gospel  ; 
under  the  law  it  was  administered  by  promises,  prophecies,  sacrifices, 
circumcision,  the  paschal  lanib,  and  other  types  and  ordinances,  deliv- 
ered to  the  people  of  the  Jews,  all  fore-signifying  Christ  to  come, 
which  were  ibr  that  time  sufficient  and  efficacious,  through  the  ope- 
ration of  the  Spirit,  to  instruct  and  build  up  the  elect  in  faith,  in  the 
promised  Messiah,  by  whom  they  had  full  remission  of  sins,  and 
eternal  salvation  ;  and  is  called  the  Old  Testament.' 

'  Under  the  gospel,  when  Christ  the  substance  was  exhibited,  the 
ordinances  in  which  this  covenant  is  dispensed,  are  the  preaching  of 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  227 


SECTION      IV. 

The  liberality  of  the  prcshytcrian  church  in  her  doctrine  of 
ordination. 

Not  less  liberal,  as  has  been  seen,  is  our  doctrine  of 
ordination  and  the  christian  ministry,  since  by  it  the 
greatest  possible  charity  is  extended  to  all  other  denomi- 
nations. That  we  may  not  frame  it  to  suit  a  pnrpose, 
let  Baxter  answer ;  and  let  him  do  so  at  that  time  when 
presbyterianism  was  most  triumphant,  and  when  there 
was,  therefore,  least  indn cement  to  liberalize  om*  views.* 
*  Hence  it  appears,'  says  he,t  '  that  ordination  is  one 
means,  conjmict  with  divers  others,  for  the  designa- 
tion of  right  qualified  persons,  described  in  the  law  of 
Christ,  for  the  reception  and  exercise  of  the  ministe- 
rial offi  ce.  And  that  the  ends  of  it  are:  1.  To  take 
care  that  the  office  fail  not ;  and,  therefore,  to  call 
out  fit  men  to  accept  it,  if  modesty  or  impediments  hin- 
der them   from  ofiering  themselves,  or  the  people  from 

the  word,  and  the  administration  of  the  sacraments  of  baptism,  and 
the  Lord's  supper  ;  which,  though  fewer  in  number,  and  administered 
with  more  simplicity,  and  less  outward  glory,  yet  in  them  it  is  held 
forth  in  more  fulness,  evidence,  and  spiritual  efficacy,  to  all  nations, 
both  Jews  and  Gentiles;  and  is  called  the  Ngw  Testament.  There 
are  not,  therefore,  two  covenants  of  grace,  differing  in  substance,  but 
one  and  the  same,  under  various  dispensations.' 

*The  necessity  for  elucidating  this  point,  will  appear  from  the  fol- 
lowing quotations.  Dr.  How  frequently  asserts,  that  presbyterians 
unmercifully  unchurch  the  entire  Greek  communion,  merely  on  the 
ground  that  they  allow  a  single  bishop  to  ordain  ;  ( Vind.  of  the  Prot. 
Ep.  Ch.  p.  41  ;)  the  Quakers,  (p.  39,)  and  in  fact  the  entire  church, 
until  the  fourth  century,  when  he  says  ordination  by  presbyters  iirst 
prevailed.  Mr.  Leslie  also,  in  his  letter  on  Episcopacy,  [see  in  The 
Scholar  Armed,  vol.  i.  p.  70,]  with  that  effrontery  which  seems  to 
have  made  him  reckless,  whenever  he  gave  vent  to  his  abhorrence  of 
dissent,  ventures  to  assert  as  true,  that 'the  Presbyterian  damns  the 
Quaker;  the  Quaker  damns  him;  Independent,  Baptist,  &:c.  all  damn 
one  another,  and  each  denies  the  other's  ordination,  or  call.' 

tDisput.  on  Ch.  Govt.  Lond.  1G59,  pp.  148,  149.  See  also  a  simi- 
lar view,  at  p.  221. 


228  ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM. 

nominating  Ihcm.  2.  To  judge,  in  all  ordinary  cases,  of 
the  fitness  of  persons  to  the  office,  and  whether  they  are 
such  as  scripture  describcth,  and  calls  out.  3.  And  to 
solemnize  their  admittance,  by  such  an  investiture,  as 
when  possession  of  a  house  is  given  by  a  ministerial  tra- 
dition of  a  key;  or  possession  of  land  by  ministerial 
delivery  of  a  twig,  and  a  turf,  or  as  a  soldier  is  listed,  a 
king  crowned,  marriage  solemnized,  after  consent  and 
title,  in  order  to  a  more  solemxii  obligation,  and  plenary 
possession ;  such  is  our  ordination.' 

'  Hence  it  appeareth,  that  as  the  ordainers  are  not 
appointed  to  judge,  tvhether  the  church  shall  have  ordi- 
nances and  ministers,  or  not,  (no  more  than  to  judge 
whether  we  shall  have  a  Christ  and  heaven,  or  not,) 
but  who  shall  be  the  man ;  so  it  is  not  to  the  being  of  the 
ministry  simply,  and  in  all  cases,  that  ordination  is  neces- 
sary, but  to  the  safe  being  and  order  of  admittance,  that 
the  church  be  not  damnified  by  intruders.' 

'  Ordination,  therefore,  is  God's  orderly  and  ordinary 
means  of  a  regular  admittance ;  and  to  be  sought  and 
used  where  it  may  be  had,  (as  the  solemnizing  of  mar- 
riage.) And  it  is  a  sin  to  neglect  it  wilfully,  and  so  it  is 
usually  necessary,  necessitate  proecepti,  and  necessitate 
medii  ad  ordinem  et  bene  ministerii,  or  to  the  validity  or 
success  of  our  office  and  ministrations  to  the  church;  nor 
in  cases  of  necessity,  when  it  cannot  be  had,  is  it  neces- 
sary, necessitate  prcecepti,  neither.     This  is  plain  truth.' 

Those  persons,*  adds  Baxter,  are  orderly  and  duly  sep- 
arated to  the  work  of  the  ministry,  where  there  is  a 
separation  to  the  ministry  by  mutual  consent  of  the  person 
and  the  flock;  and  by  the  approbation  and  investiture  of 
the  first  ecclesiastical  officers  that  are  to  be  had,  there  is 
an  orderly  and  due  separation  to  the  ministry.  But  all 
this  is  to  be  found  in  the  ordination  used  in  England,  and 

*  Ibid,  pp.  221,  223,  227.  See  similar  views  in  Claude's  Def.  of  the 
Ref.ii.  pp.  230-235,  241. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  229 

Other  reformed  churches,  without  prelates  ;  therefore,  &c. 
This  proves  not  only  the  validity  of  their  ordination,  but 
the  full  regularity.' 

Again, ^  '  We  have,  moreover,  in  the  ordination  of  the 
reformed  churches,  the  approbation  and  solemn  investiture 
of  the  fittest  ecclesiastical  officers  that  are  to  be  had.  And 
no  more  is  requisite  to  an  orderly  admission.  There  being 
nothing  for  man  to  do,  but  to  determine  of  the  qualified 
person,  and  present  him  to  God,  to  receive  the  power  and 
obligation  from  his  law  ;  it  is  easy  to  discern,  that  where 
all  these  concur,  (the  people's  election  or  consent,  the  de- 
termination of  fit  ecclesiastical  officers,  and  the  qualifica- 
tion and  consent  of  the  person  himself,)  there  needs  no 
more  to  the  designation  of  the  man.  Nor  hath  God  tied 
the  essence  of  the  church  or  ministry  to  a  certain  formal- 
ity, or  to  the  interest  or  will  of  prelates ;  nor  can  any 
more  ad  ordinem  be  required,  but  that  a  qualified  person 
do  enter,  by  the  best  and  most  orderly  way  that  is  open 
to  him,  in  those  times  and  places  where  he  is.  And  that 
we  have  the  fittest  approvers  and  ordainers  I  prove. 't 

"What  then,  on  these  principles,  is  our  view  of  the  min- 
istry of  other  denominations  of  christians  ?  '  As  baptism,' 
says  Baxter,^:  '  is  the  open  badge  of  a  christian,  so  ordina- 
tion is  the  open  badge  of  a  minister  ;  and  therefore,  though 
a  man  may  be  a  christian  before  God,  without  baptism, 
yet  ordinarily  he  is  not  a  christian  before  the  church  with- 
out baptism,  till  he  have,  by  some  equivalent  profession, 
given  them  satisfaction  ;  and  therefore  if  I  knew  men  to 
be  utterly  imbaptized,  I  would  not  at  first  have  commun- 
ion with  them  as  christians.  But  if  they  could  manifest 
to  me  that  necessity  forbad  them,  or  if  it  were  any  mistake 
and  scrapie  of  their  consciences,  that  hindered  them  from 
the  outward  ordinance,  and  they  had,  without  that  ordi- 

^  Ibid,  p.  223. 

t  Similar  are  the  views  of  the  French  presbyterians,  as  presented  by 
Claude,  in  his  Def.  of  the  Ref.  vol.  ii.  pp.  230,  231,  233,  234,  241. 
X  Ibid,  pp.  163,  165,  166. 

20 


230  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

nance,  made  as  public  and  bold  a  profession  of  Christianity, 
and  satisfactorily  declared  themselves  to  be  christians  by 
other  means,  I  wonld  then  own  them  as  christians,  though 
with  a  disowning  and  reprehension  of  their  error ;  even 
so  would  I  do  by  a  minister.  I  would  not  own  him  as  a 
minister  unordained,  unless  he  either  showed  a  necessity 
that  was  the  cause,  or  else,  (if  it  were  his  weakness  and 
mistake,)  did  manifest  by  his  abilities  and  fidelity,  and  the 
consent  and  acceptance  of  the  church,  that  he  were  truly 
called :  and  if  he  did  so,  I  would  own  him ;  though  with 
a  disowning  and  reproof  of  his  mistake,  and  omission  of 
so  great  a  duty.' 

'  There  is  not  a  word  of  God  to  be  found,  that  makes 
ordination  of  absolute  necessity  to  the  being  of  the  minis- 
try ;  therefore  it  is  not  so  to  be  esteemed.  The  examples 
of  scripture  show  it  to  be  the  regular  way,  and  therefore 
ordinarily  a  duty  ;  but  they  show  not  that  there  is  no  other 
way.' 

*  Objection.  By  this  doctrine  you  will  induce  disorder 
into  the  church,  if  all  that  arc  able  must  be  ministers,  when 
they  are  denied  ordination  ;  for  then  they  will  be  judges 
of  their  own  abilities,  and  every  brain-sick  proud  opinion- 
ist,  will  think  that  there  is  a  necessity  of  his  preaching; 
and  so  we  shall  have  confusion,  and  ordination  will  be 
made  contemptible,  by  pretences  of  necessity  ! ' 

'  Answer.  1,  God  will  not  have  the  necessities  of  men's 
souls  neglected,  nor  allow  us  to  let  men  go  quietly  to 
damnation,  nor  have  his  churches  ruined,  for  fear  of  occa- 
sioning the  disorders  of  other  men.  It  is  better  that  men 
be  disorderly  saved,  than  orderly  damned ;  and  that  the 
church  be  disorderly  preserved,  than  orderly  destroyed  I 
God  will  not  allow  us  to  suffer  every  thief  and  murderer 
to  rob  or  kill  our  neighbors,  for  fear  lest  by  defending 
them,  we  occasion  men  to  neglect  the  magistrate.  Nor 
will  he  allow  us  to  let  men  perish  in  their  sickness,  if  we 
can  help  them,  for  fear  of  encouraging  the  ignorant  to  turn 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  231 

physicians.  2,  There  is  no  part  of  God's  service  that  can 
he  used,  without  occasion  of  sin  to  the  perverse  ;  Christ 
himself  is  the  fall  as  well  as  the  rising  of  many  ;  and  is  a 
stumbhng-stone  and  rock  of  offence  ;  and  yet  not  for  that 
to  be  denied.  There  is  no  jnst  and  reasonable  cause  of 
men's  abuse  in  the  doctrine  which  I  here  express,  3.  True 
necessity  will  excuse  and  justify  the  unordained  before 
God,  for  exercising  their  abilities  to  his  service.  But  pre- 
tended counterfeit  necessity  will  not  justify  any  ;  and  the 
final  judgment  is  at  hand,  when  all  things  shall  be  set 
straight,  and  true  necessity  and  counterfeit  shall  be  discern- 
ed. 4.  Until  that  day,  things  will  be  in  some  disorder  in  this 
world,  because  there  is  sin  in  the  world,  which  is  the  dis- 
order. But  our  remedies  are  these:  1.  To  teach  men. 
their  duties  truly,  and  not  to  lead  them  into  one  evil  to 
prevent  another,  much  less  to  a  mischief  destructive  to 
men's  souls,  to  prevent  disorder.  2.  The  churches  have 
the  power  of  casting  the  pretenders  (if  this  case  deserve 
it)  out  of  their  communion  ;  and  in  order  thereto,  it  is  not 
he  but  they  that  will  be  judges.  And  other  remedies  we 
have  none  till  the  last  day.* 


SECTION      v. 

Tke  objection  founded  upon  the  persecuting  principles  and 
conduct  of  presbyterians,  answer ed. 

But  an  overwhelming  argument  is  brought  to  bear 
against  all  these  claims  to  superior  liberality,  on  the 
ground  that  the  presbytcrian  church  has,  in  past  days, 
cherished  exclusive  and  persecuting  principles,  and  man- 
ifested this  spirit  in  her  conduct;  and  that  some  presby- 
terian  bodies  are  still  found  willing  to  sanction  these 


232  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

principles.'*  Now  to  the  truth  of  both  these  facts,  we 
grant  our  rchictant  and  most  sorrowful  confession.  And 
Avhile  much  might  be  said  to  palliate  the  guilt  of  such 
intolerance,  and  to  show  that  in  comparison  with  the 
course  pursued  by  the  papacy  and  the  prelacy,  it  was  fitful, 
temporary,  and  partial,  while  tlieir  intolerance  has  been 
constant,  universal,  and  applied  to  opinions  as  well  as  to 
forms;  —  yet  we  take  refuge  in  no  apology. f  We  make 
no  excuse.  We  are  rather  willing  to  join  in  the  execra- 
tion of  such  principles,  and  the  condemnation  of  such  acts, 
(so  far  as  facts  will  show  that  they  were  cherished  and 
carried  out,)  as  utterly  alien  to  the  spirit  of  the  gospel,  and 
to  the  genius  of  presbyterianism.  And  that  a  portion  of 
the  Covenanters  should  still  maintain  these  views,  is  a  fact 
inexplicable  for  its  mystery,  inexcusable  for  its  absurdity, 
and  unparalleled  for  its  anomaly. 

But  what  have  we  to  do  with  the  conduct  of  these 
brethren,  with  whom,  although  agreeing  in  most  points, 
we  differ  in  this  matter  tola  ccdo ;  with  whom  we  have  no 
ecclesiastical  connection  whatever ;  and  for  whose  opinions 
on  this  subject,  ive  are  no  more  responsible,  than  we  are, 
as  christians,  for  the  corruptions  of  all  those  who  are  called 
by  that  name.     We  now  advocate  the  claims,  and  present 

*Dr.  How's  Vind.  of  Prot.  Ep.  Ch.  pp.  47,  48,374,  375.  This 
charge  is  not  seldom  also  brought  against  us  by  congregationalists, 
who  stand  in  need  of  a  common  defence.  But  that,  in  former  days, 
they  made  their  views  of  the  constitution  of  a  church  an  article  of 
faith,  appertaining  to  salvation,  may  be  seen  by  numerous  quotations 
in  Paget's  Def.  of  Presb.  Ch.  Govt.  p.  33.  As  to  the  lengths  to  which 
they  then  proceeded,  see  Bastwick's  Utter  Routing,  &c.  Epistle  to  the 
Reader.  See  also  the  History  of  their  proceedings  in  New  England, 
as  given  in  Clarke's  Hist,  of  Intolerance,  vol.  i.  Pref.  and  in  all  other 
histories.  Dr.  Lang's  Relig.  and  Educ.  in  America,  p.  125,  &;c.,  where 
he  shows,  that  '  Cromwell's  own  clergy,'  accepted  sequestered  benefi- 
ces of  the  Church  of  England.  See  further,  on  this  subject,  from  Mr. 
Lo rimer,  on  p.  232. 

This  forms  the  whole  strength  of  bishop  Hughes's  argument,  in 
proof  of  the  opposition  of  presbyterianism  to  civil  and  religious  liberty. 
See  Discussion. 

t  See  Dr.  Binney's  Dissent  not  Schism,  p.  74,  though  an  Inde- 
pendent. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  233 

the  sentiments,  of  *  the  Presbyterian  church'  of  these 
United  States.  For  on  this  subject,  alterations  were  found 
necessary,  in  order  to  adapt  our  standards  to  the  views  of 
our  American  Zion.  We  challenge  therefore  a  fair  and 
impartial  verdict,  and  are  willing  to  compare  ourselves 
with  any  other  denomination  whatsoever.  We  do  not,  for 
a  moment,  shrink  even  from  a  comparison  of  presbyterian- 
ism,  in  general,  with  prelacy,  m  general ;  but  in  this  case 
we  would  require,  that  the  ivhole  histoiy  of  prelacy,  as 
developed  in  the  Romish,  Anglican,  and  other  churches 
should  be  considered  ;  and  then  the  icJiole  history  of  pres- 
bytery, as  developed  in  the  Waldenses,  Paulicians,  Cul- 
dees,  and  Scotch,  Irish,  and  American  churches  should 
be  brought  into  contrast.  In  such  a  comparison,  who  can 
doubt  the  transcendent  lustre  with  which  presbytery 
would  outshine  prelacy.  Its  most  intolerant  enactments 
would  appear  liberality  itself,  and  its  most  persecuting 
doings,  the  forthgoings  of  christian  charity,  when  brought 
into  contrast  with  the  bloody  annals  of  councils,  canons, 
decrees,  crusades,  test  acts,  acts  of  uniformity,  Bartholo- 
mew scenes  and  massacres,  which  constitute  such  an 
integral  portion  of  prelatical  ecclesiastical  history*     Our 

*  Dr.  McCrie's  Miscell.  Wks.  Rev.  of  the  Life  of  Owen.  See 
also  Presbyterians  vindicated  from  all  serious  persecution,  in  Lori- 
mer's  Manual  of  Presbytery,  p.  230.  The  writer  says, '  The  congrega- 
tionalists,  then,  have  nothing  in  point  of  practice  of  which  to  boast, 
over  their  presbyterian  brethren  ;  and  in  regard  to  their  earlier  holding 
sound  theoretical  views  of  toleration  and  religious  liberty,  the  same 
great  historical  authority  shows,  that  as  correct  sentiments  were  enter- 
tained from  a  much  earlier  date,  by  the  reformers  and  first  puritans, 
who  were  presbyterian;  that,  soon  after  the  reformation,  the  same 
views  were  common  among  the  presbyterians  of  Holland  and  France; 
that  it  was  not  the  principles  of  the  sectaries,  but  of  the  reformers  and 
their  successors,  which  lay,  and  still  lie,  at  the  foundation  of  British 
freedom,  civil  and  religious;  that  the  writings  of  leading  independents, 
at  the  period  referred  to,  betray  decided  symptoms  of  intolerance  and 
persecution  ;  and  that  it  was  the  extravagant  and  most  injurious  pro- 
ceedings of  many  of  the  sectaries,  which,  by  driving  matters  to  extrem- 
ities in  England,  created  a  reaction  —  lost  all  the  immense  advantages 
of  a  sound,  civil,  and  ecclesiastical  reformation  —  destroyed  the  mon- 
arch, and  recalled  persecution,  with  its  horrors,  under  Charles  II.' 

'  Had  this  little  work  not  already  exceeded  the  limits  which  were 

20* 


234  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

present  concern,  however,  is  with  the  presbyterian  church, 
as  known  in  the  standards  of  our  American  General  As- 
sembhes,  both  old  and  new  school,  as  compared  with  the 
prelatical  communion,  either  Romish  or  Protestant.  The 
only  proper  parallel  in  this  case,  therefore,  is  the  constitu- 
tion and  principles  of  our  own  particular  church,  in  com- 
parison with  theirs,  and  not  of  all  who  may  bear  our 
name. 

Now  from  the  extracts  already  presented,  it  must  be 
manifest  that  there  can  be  no  greater  liberality,  nor  any 
protest  against  both  the  spirit,  principles,  and  practice  of 
intolerance,  more  powerful  than  that  delivered  in  the 
standards  of  our  church.  In  addition  to  what  has  been 
adduced  from  them,  let  the  following  be  considered. 
Chapter  xx.  of  our  Confession  of  Faith,  is  on  *  Christian 


originally  intended,  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  vindicate  the  presbyte- 
rians  from  any  serious  charge  of  persecution,  in  connection  with  the 
signing  of  the  '  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,'  and  kindred  subjects. 
It  could  be  shown,  from  the  testimony  of  such  men  as  Henderson, 
Dickson,  Cant,  and  Lord  Loudon,  that  men  were  not  forced  to  take  the 
covenant,  or  punished  for  refusal ;  that  any  cases  of  this  kind  were  rare 
and  unauthorized ;  that  the  league  was  most  cordially  embraced, 
without  any  compulsion  from  church  or  state,  by  the  great  body  of  the 
nation  ;  and  that  any  undue  influence  was  chiefly  employed  against  the 
covenant.  It  could  be  shown,  also,  from  the  exhortations  of  the  "West- 
minster Assembly,  and  the  speeches  of  such  members  as  Coleman, 
Caryl,  Palmer,  Thorowgood,  &c.,  that  they  disapproved  of  the  propaga- 
tion of  religion  by  force,  and  that  it  was  mainly  the  seditious-political, 
and  not  the  erroneous-religious,  against  which  their  exertions  were 
directed,  and  which  gave  to  their  sentiments  and  proceedings  the  air 
of  persecution.  The  case  is  correctly  stated  by 'the  Reformed  Pres- 
bytery,' in  their  Explanation  and  Defence  of  Terms  of  Communion  in 
ISOl.  '  If  any  otherwise  peaceable  and  inoffensive  subjects,  in  church 
and  state,  had  religious  scruples  in  their  own  mind,  both  the  open  doc- 
trine and  uniform  practice  of  our  pious  ancestors  recommended  all 
possible  tenderness  in  laboring  to  have  them  removed.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  when  cruel  popish  factions,  under  the  fair  pretence  of  only 
claiming  a  liberty  to  serve  God  in  their  own  way,  were  plotting  the 
utter  ruin  of  both  church  and  state,  and  seeking  the  overthrow  of  all 
laws,  human  and  divine  ;  in  such  a  case,  indeed,  they  could  not  help 
thinking,  that  salutary  restraint,  and  well-regulated  coercion,  were 
indispensably  necessary.  And  what  nation  under  heaven,  properly 
consulting  her  own  safety  and  happiness,  in  time  of  danger,  would  not 
find  it  advisable  to  act  on  the  same  great  principle  ? ' 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  235 

Liberty  and  Liberty  of  Conscience.'  In  this  it  is  taught,* 
'  God  alone  is  Lord  of  the  conscience,  and  hath  left  it  free 
from  the  doctrines  and  commandments  of  men,  which  are 
in  any  thing  contrary  to  his  word,  or  beside  it,  in  matters  of 
faith  or  worship.  So  that  to  believe  such  doctrines,  or  to 
obey  such  commandments,  out  of  conscience,  is  to  betray 
true  liberty  of  conscience ;  and  the  requiring  an  implicit 
faith,  and  an  absolute  and  blind  obedience,  is  to  destroy 
liberty  of  conscience  and  reason  also.' 

Again,  in  chapter  xxiii,  '  of  the  civil  magistrate,'  it  is 
declared,  '  civil  magistrates  may  not  assume  to  themselves 
the  administration  of  the  word  and  sacraments ;  or  the 
power  of  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ;  or  in  the 
least  interfere  in  matters  of  faith.  Yet,  as  nursing-fathers, 
it  is  the  duty  of  civil  magistrates  to  protect  the  church  of 
our  common  Lord,  without  giving  the  preference  to  any 
denomination  of  christians  above  the  rest,  in  such  a  man- 
ner, that  all  ecclesiastical  persons  whatever  shall  enjoy 
the  full,  free,  and  unquestioned  liberty  of  discharging  every 
part  of  their  sacred  functions  without  violence  or  danger. 
And  as  Jesus  Christ  hath  appointed  a  regular  government 
and  discipline  in  his  church,  no  law  of  any  commonwealth 
should  interfere  with,  let,  or  hinder,  the  due  exercise 
thereof,  among  the  voluntary  members  of  any  denomina- 
tion of  christians,  according  to  their  own  profession  and 
belief.  It  is  the  duty  of  civil  magistrates  to  protect  the 
person  and  good  name  of  all  their  people,  in  such  an 
effectual  manner,  as  that  no  person  be  suffered,  either  upon 
pretence  of  religion  or  infidelity,  to  offer  any  indignity,  vio- 
lence, abuse,  or  injury,  to  any  other  person  whatsoever; 
and  to  take  order,  that  all  religious  and  ecclesiastical 
assemblies  be  held  without  molestation  or  disturbance.' 

'  It  is  the  duty  of  the  people  to  pray  for  magistrates,  to 
honor  theii*  persons,  to  pay  them  tribute  and  other  dues, 

*§2,  p.  109. 


236  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

to  obey  their  lawful  commands,  and  to  be  subject  to  their 
authority,  for  conscience'  sake.  Infidehty  or  hidifference 
in  religion,  doth  not  make  void  the  magistrate's  just  and 
legal  authority,  nor  free  the  people  from  their  due  obe- 
dience to  him ;  from  which  ecclesiastical  persons  are  not 
exempted;  much  less  hath  the  pope  any  power  or  juris- 
diction over  them  in  their  dominions,  or  over  any  of  their 
people  ;  and  least  of  all,  to  deprive  them  of  their  dominions 
or  lives,  if  he  shall  judge  them  to  be  heretics,  or  upon  any 
other  pretence  whatsoever.' 

So  also  in  Form  of  Government,  chapter  i.  section  1, 
as  quoted  above,=^'  and  in  chapter  viii.  section  2,  where, 
speaking  of  all  our  ecclesiastical  courts,  it  teaches,  '  These 
assemblies  ought  not  to  possess  any  civil  jurisdiction,  nor 
to  inflict  any  civil  penalties.  Their  power  is  wholly  moral 
or  spiritual,  and  that  only  ministerial  and  declarative.' 

To  this  let  me  add  the  following  extracts  from  '  An 
Ecclesiastical  Catechism  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,'  by 
the  author,  which  has  been  approved  by  various  portions  of 
our  church,  and  by  some  of  its  leading  divines;!  In  chapter 
v.  section  1,  '  Of  the  nature  of  church  power,'  it  is  asked, 
'  Is  the  power  which  church  officers  possess,  such  as  to 
affect  the  civil  interests  of  men  ?' 

'  No  ;  it  is  altogether  ecclesiastical ;  and  such  as  to  affect 
men  only  in  their  relation  to  the  church,  and  to  God.' 

'  How  else  may  you  describe  this  power  of  the  church  ? 
It  is  spiritual,  and  addressed  to  the  consciences  of  those 
who  are  subject  to  it.' 

*  Have  church  officers  any  power  or  authority,  even  in 
ecclesiastical  matters,  independently,  or  in  themselves 
considered  ?  None  whatever  —  they  act  altogether  min- 
isterially.' 

'  Do  presbyterians,  in  our  country,  ascribe  any  power  to 
the  church,  which  interferes  with  the  authorities  of  the 

*  See  p.  218. 

t  A  third  edition  has  been  called  for. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     HEPUBLICANISM.  237 

state  ?  No ;  presbyterians  maintain,  that  the  church  is 
independent  of  the  state,  and  distinct  from  it,  in  its  laws, 
its  administrations,  and  its  objects ;  and  that  it  is  governed 
by  its  own  laws,  which  are  purely  spiritual.' 

'  Do  presbyterians  in  our  country,  desire,  then,  any  alli- 
ance between  their  church  and  the  state  ?  On  the  con- 
trary, they  believe,  that  any  such  alliance  ever  has  been, 
and  ever  will  be,  equally  injurious  to  the  state  and  to  the 
church ;  and  that  it  is  to  be  deprecated  by  every  christian, 
as  the  baneful  source  of  corruption  and  intolerance.'^ 

Let  any  man  candidly  study  these  passages,  in  connec- 
tion with  the  constitution  of  this  freest  and  most  liberal  of 
all  governments,  and  will  he  not  say  that  they  are,  in  spirit, 
perfectly  the  same,  and  that,  in  the  principles  delivered  in 

*  The  only  portions  of  our  standards,  besides  the  doctrines  of  elec- 
tion and  predestination,  which  bishop  Hughes  could  pervert  to  a  sense 
opposite  to  civil  and  religious  liberty,  is  the  explanation  given  of  the 
Second  Commandment,  (Breckinridge  and  Hughes's  Discussion,  pp. 
318,  344,  372,)  which,  among  other  things,  is  said  to  require  'the  dis- 
approving, detesting,  opposing,  all  false  worship ;  and,  according  to  each 
one^s  place  and  calling,  removing  it,  and  all  monuments  of  idolatry.''  '  If  I 
understand  the  reasoning,'  says  Dr.  Breckinridge,  '  he  means  to  charge 
us  with  holding,  that /o/re  of  some  kind  is  a  duty  ;  or  that  some  method 
of  removing  themonuments  of  idolatry,^  at  war  with  the  rights  of  others, 
is  expressed.  For  I  suppose  he  will  not  say,  that  if  we  oppose  false 
worship,  and  remove  these  monuments  of  idolatry,  in  a  constitutional 
way,  and  without  disturbing  the  rights  of  others,  this  would  be  wrong, 
or  against  liberty,  civil  or  religious. '  '  He  will  not  say  that  it  is  per- 
secution, to  oppose  idolatry  by  discussion,  moral  influence,  and  prayer. 
The  question  then  is,  as  to  the  manner  of  doing  it.  Does  our  doctrine 
utter  or  imply  tyranny,  or  force,  or  a  hindrance  to  the  free  exercise 
of  religious  worship  ?  If  so,  we  should  like  to  know  it.  So  far  is  this 
from  being  the  fact,  that  he  has  himself  owned,  '  that  the  Confession  of 
Faith  icas  amended,  (at  the  adoption  of  the  American  Constitution,) 
to  suit  the  constitutio7i  and  the  7iew  order  of  things.''  What  he  thus  admits 
(as  ^  an  amendment,^)  to  be  true,  may  be  easily  shown,  by  reference  to 
all  those  parts  of  our  standards,  which  relate  to  the  freedom  of  wor- 
ship, and  the  use  of  force,  by  the  civil  magistrate,  in  matters  of  con- 
science. 

'  Yet  it  is  not  said  of  otir  particular  church,  but  of  all  christian 
denominations,  that  the  civil  magistrate  should  protect  them.  Reli- 
gion is  one  of  our  common  rights  —  and  a  civil  right  to  be  protected  in 
it.  But  Mr.  Hughes  replies,  this  '■excludes  us  idolaters.'  No.  We  say 
'all  religious  and  ecclesiastical  assemblies,' are  to  be  '■protected,'  though 
it  be  an  antichristian  system.  But  shall  we,  for  this  reason,  be  silent 
about  their  errors  ?     May  we  not  use  the  liberty  of  speech  ?  ' 


238  ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM. 

these  standards,  onr  puritan  fathers  found  the  germs,  the 
elements,  of  that  perfect  civil  and  religions  liberty,  which 
every  citizen  of  this  great  rcpnhlic  equally  enjoys  Real 
liberality  cannot  possibly  coexist  with  any  system  which 
does  not  recognise  the  principle,  that  individual  conviction 
is  the  only  worthy  basis  of  trae  faith,  and  the  consequent 
right  and  duty  of  private  judgment.  In  this  doctrine,  the 
very  essence  of  real  liberality,  both  political  and  rehgious, 
is  involved.  It  is  when  this  principle  is  received  as  an 
axiomatic  truth,  that  the  exercise  of  such  liberality  is  not, 
(as  it  is  too  often  represented,)  of  the  nature  of  a  lenient 
indulgence,  or  a  benevolent  concession,  hw\,  stands  forth,  not 
on  the  ground  of  concession,  but  of  principle,  —  not  of 
indulgence,  but  of  light,  —  not  of  favor,  but  of  justice,  — 
not  of  compromise,  but  of  steadfast  maintenance  of  the 
truth,  —  each  upholding  what  he  believes  right,  without 
denouncing  the  other  as  wrong;  all  uniting  for  objects  in 
which  they  agree,  without  compromising  one  point  in 
which  they  differ,* 

Now,  as  interpreted  in  our  standards,  Christianity  sanc- 
tions and  does  not  destroy  this  freedom  ;  elevates  and  does 
not  dethrone  reason  ;  encourages  and  does  not  fetter  in- 
quiry ;  secures  and  does  not  withhold  liberty  of  conscience ; 
since  it  enforces  only  a  voluntary  subjection  to  its  require- 
ments. It  is  the  doctrine  of  Bossuet,  and  the  church  to 
which  he  belongs,  and  not  the  doctrine  of  the  presbyterian 
church,  that '  all  attachment  to  private  judgment  is  heresy, 
it  being  the  property  of  a  heretic  to  have  a  particular 
opinion.'!  And  as  this  doctrine  has  been  shown  to  lie  at 
the  very  foundation  of  American  republicanism,  %  in  con- 
nection with  the  entire  severance  of  politics  and  religion, 
of  civil  and  religious  matters,  the  absurdity  of  the  charge 


*  Prof.  Powell,  of  Oxf.  on  State  Educ.  Lend.  1S40,  pp.  81,  82. 
t  Variations  of  Prot.  vol.  i.  p.  17. 
I  Tocqueviile's  Democ.  in  Am. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  239 

of  any  connivance  at  intolerance,  as  made  against  our 
church,  is  as  great  as  if  alleged  against  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  itself 


SECTION    VI. 

The  presbytcrian  church  is  at  once  liberal  and  orthodox. 

The  presbyterian  church  does  not  found  her  claims  to 
the  character  of  liberality  upon  an  indiscriminate  approval 
of  all  doctrinal  opinions,  or  to  the  Erastian  destruction  of 
all  ecclesiastical  government  and  ministerial  authority  as 
of  divine  appointment.     She  firmly  holds,  as  an  article 
of  faith,  to  the  doctrine  of  one,  holy,  catholic,  and  apos- 
tolic church,  out  of  which  there  is  no  ordinary  possibility 
of  salvation;  but  her  liberality  is  seen  in  making  this, 
and  not  the  presbyterian  church,  the  church  ;  in  making 
this  catholic  church  coextensive  with  the  elect  children 
of  God,  that  is  with  all,  in  every  place,  age,  nation,  or  de- 
nomination, who  are  made  partakers  of  the  grace  that  is 
in   Christ  Jesus ;  in  representing  it  as  requiring,  for  the 
participation  of  all  its  privileges,  only  the  belief  of  those 
essential   principles,   in  knowledge   of   which   standeth 
eternal  life  ;  and  as  embracing,  in  her  visible  form,  all  who 
even  profess  the  true  religion,  together  with  their  children. 
The  presbyterian  church  believes  also  in  the  divine  ap- 
pointment  of  the  christian  ministry,  and  in  its  uninter- 
rupted succession,    from  the    apostles'    time   until  now, 
and  that  ministers   are   the  instruments   by  whom  God 
works  in  the  salvation  of  men ;  her  liberality  is   seen  in 
holding  up  these  pastors,  not  as  legislators,  but  only  as 
ministers  of  Christ,  and  for  his  people  ;  in  not  substitu- 
ting them  in  the  place  of  God  as  the  sources  of  grace  and 


240  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

blessing;  in  subjecting  them,  as  much  as  their  people,  to 
the  Bible,  as  the  common  standard  of  faith ;  and  in 
appealing  to  the  conscience  and  private  judgment  of  all 
her  members.  The  presbyterian  church  believes  in  the 
necessity  of  government  and  order,  and  has  confidence 
in  the  wisdom,  utility,  and  scripturality  of  her  own  polity ; 
her  liberality  is  seen  in  not  making  these  essential  to  the 
being,  but  only  to  the  well-being  of  the  church ;  in  not 
claiming  for  any  of  its  details  exclusive  divine  authority 
or  right ;  in  assuming  power  to  determine  nothing  more 
than  those  rules  and  orders  of  the  church,  which  are  in 
themselves  either  indifferent  or  necessary  to  the  accom- 
plishment of  required  duty,  and  which  are  undetermined 
in  the  word  of  God ;  in  not  enforcing  these,  as  necessary 
in  themselves  considered,  but  as  binding  only  upon  those 
who  can  voluntarily  and  conscientiously  receive  them, 
and  who  can,  therefore,  unite  with  her ;  and  in  not  ex- 
communicating or  unchurching  other  denominations, 
because  they  adopt  different  rules,  forms,   and  orders.*' 

*  That  this  is  the  view  taken  by  the  church  of  Scotland,  appears 
from  the  following  extract,  taken  from  the  speeches  delivered  on  the 
commemoration  of  the  assembly  of  1G38,  p.  37.  (See  quoted  and  de- 
fended by  Mr.  Candlish,  in  his  letter  to  the  Dean  of  Faculty,  Edinb. 
1839.)  '  I  cannot  enter  fully  on  an  argument  like  this,  which  would 
require  to  be  discussed  at  great  length.  I  may  simply  refer  to  the 
general  principles  which  we  hold  to  be  established,  by  the  authority 
and  example  of  the  apostles,  as  their  practice  may  be  gathered  from 
the  brief  hints  and  notices  given  in  the  New  Testament,  regarding 
the  churches  which  they  formed.  The  system  which  they  adopted, 
is  not  in  any  part  of  the  inspired  record  fully  unfolded  —  and  perhaps 
it  was  not  always  uniform.  But  certain  leading  features  may  be 
traced  throughout.  Thus,  the  institution  of  deacons,  charged  with 
the  care  of  the  poor  and  the  temporal  concerns  of  the  church,  is 
placed  beyond  question,  by  the  fact  recorded  in  the  sixth  chapter  of 
the  Acts.  Then,  in  addition  to  this  office  of  a  secular  character,  we 
find  repeated  mention  made  of  another  order  of  office-bearers  in  all 
the  churches,  called  '  presbyters,'  or  '  elders,'  as  being  men  of  grave 
authority;  'bishops,'  or 'overseers,' as  having  the  spirtual  oversight 
of  the  flock,  and  described  as  having  rule  over  the  christian  people, 
and  watching  for  souls  as  those  who  must  give  account.  And  the 
only  distinction  which  we  can  recognise  in  this  last  class,  is  between 
the  elders  or  presbyters,  who  merely '  rule,' and  those  who,  besides 
ruling,  'labor   in   word   and  doctrine,' (1   Tim.   1:  17, )  a  distinction 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  24J 

She  regards  the  Cathohc  church  as  '  a  great  man's  house, 
'  ill  which  are  many  mansions,'  which  our  heavenly 
Father  has  well  furnished  and  prepared  for  all  his  chil- 
dren. She  addresses,  therefore,  to  all  a  common  welcome, 
saying,  come  in  ye  blessed  of  the  Father,  and  partake  with 
us  in  all  the  blessings  of  His  hospitable  mansion,  and  His 
Avell-provisioned  table.  Ye  who  bear  upon  you  the  impress 
of  a  divine  acceptance,  who  are  clad  in  the  spiritual 
vestments  of  a  divine  calling,  who  speak  the  language 
of  heaven's  adopted  sons,  however  men  may  reject, 
scorn,  or  denounce  you,  come  in,  and  let  us,  as  brethren, 
dwell  together  in  love,  endeavoring  to  keep  the  unity  of 
the  Spirit  in  the  bonds  of  peace,  as  having  one  Lord,  one 
faith,  and  one  hope. 

which  seems  to  lay  a  foundation  for  the  difference  which  we  make 
between  the  ruling  elder  and  the  teaching  elder  or  pastor,  as  holding 
separate  offices,  or  rather  separate  branches  of  the  same  office.  Be- 
yond this  simple  order,  we  can  discover  nothing  in  Holy  Scripture, 
regarding  the  early  government  of  the  christian  society,  excepting 
only  the  extraordinary  powers  exercised  by  the  apostles  themselves, 
and  by  evangelists  specially  commissioned  by  them,  not  as  settled 
superintendents  of  particular  dioceses,  but  as  agents  employed 
at  large  in  forming  and  organizing  new  churches  in  all  differ 
ent  parts  of  the  world.  But  in  this  simple  order,  we  have 
full  warrant  for  the  ordinance  of  a  standing  ministry,  author- 
ized by  Christ  himself,  to  rule  his  people,  and  to  confer  their 
own  office  on  others,  by  solemn  imposition  of  hands.  We  consider 
also  that  the  New  Testament  gives  evidence  of  a  union  between  dif- 
ferent churches  and  their  office-bearers,  and  a  control  vested  in 
councils  of  these  office-bearers,  over  particular  churches  and  their 
members.  Thus  we  maintain,  in  the  words  of  the  illustrious  McCrie, 
that  the  leading  principles  of  presbytery  rest  on  the  authority  of  God, 
and  that  its  subordinate  arrangements  are  supported  by  the  general 
rules  of  Scripture.  They  are  simple,  and  well  calculated  to  preserve 
order,  and  promote  edification,  equally  opposed  to  arbitrary  and  lordly 
domination  on  the  part  of  the  clergy,  and  to  popular  confusion  and 
misrule;  establishing  an  efficient  discipline  in  every  congregation, 
and  preserving  that  unity  which  ought  to  subsist  among  the  different 
branches  of  the  church  of  Christ.' — Commemoration  Speeches,  p.  37. 


21 


242  ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISl 


SECTION     VII. 

Testimonies  in  proof  of  the  liberality  of  'presbytery. 

In  substantiation  of  these  views,  deduced  from  the 
standards  of  the  presbyterian  church,  we  might  add  the 
testimony  of  eminent  divines,  of  every  period  of  its  his- 
tory, and  in  various  branches  of  the  presbyterian  body. 
A  few  out  of  the  many  examples  which  are  at  hand,  it 
may  be  well  to  present. 

The  Waldenses,  in  their  Confession  of  1508,  after 
defining  the  Catholic  church,  say  :  *  '  But  in  regard  to 
their  own  congregation,  they  thus  conceive  and  teach,  that 
that  congregation,  as  other  congregations,  be  they  great 
or  small,  is  not  the  holy  universal  church,  but  only  a  part 
and  member  thereof,  as  the  Corinthians  were,  of  whom 
the  apostle  speaks,  1  Corinthians,  12.' 

As  to  the  reformers,  let  Du  Moulin  speak  for  himself 
and  them.  '  I  know  that  under  pretence,  that  the  church 
of  England  hath  another  form  of  discipline  than  ours  is  — 
(our  adversaries,  the  papists,)  charge  us  that  our  religion 
is  diverse.  But  experience  confuteth  this  accusation.' 
Indeed,  so  liberal  were  the  views  of  our  reformers,  that 
many  of  those  who  were  most  devoted  to  the  establish- 
ment of  presbytery,  are  nevertheless,  by  an  ungenerous 
perversion  of  their  fraternal  and  kind  expressions,  in  speak- 
ing of  the  English  church,  constantly  held  up  as  favora- 
ble to  prelacy.! 

*  Blair's  Waldenses,  vol.  ii.  p.  575. 

tSee  these  views  fully  presented  in  Lect.  on  Apost.  Succ.  Lect.  iii. 
p.  63,  Lect.  xvi.  and  pp.  525,  526.  Harmony  of  Confessions  of  the 
Ref.  Ch.and  the  Preface,  Lond.  1643.  Blondel's  Declar.de  la  Sincerit. 
deseglises  Ref.  de  France  Sedan,  1619,  Nubes  Testium.  pro  moderate 
et  paciiico  de  rebus  theologicis  et  instituenda  inter  Protestantes  con- 
cordia,  by  Joh.  Alph.  Turretine,  Leipsic,  1720,  4to.  Lond.  Chr.  Obs. 
Feb.  1839,  p.  119.  Edinb.  Presb.  Rev.  April,  1839,  p.  639.  Schism 
by  Dr.  Hoppus,  pp.  463,  485-491. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  243 

Knox  showed  his  moderation  by  officiating  to  a  congre- 
gation of  episcopahan  Enghsh  exiles  at  Frankfort ;  among 
whom  a  modified  form  of  divine  worship  was  agreed  on 
—  some  things  being  taken  from  the  liturgy  of  the  church 
of  England,  others  from  the  practice  of  Geneva.*' 

'  We  do,  upon  good  reason,'  said  Alexander  Henderson, 
the  rebuilder  of  the  church  of  Scotland,  in  her  second  re- 
formation, 'judge  the  church  of  England,  in  the  midst  of 
her  ceremonies,  to  have  been  a  true  church ;  and  the  min- 
istry thereof,  notwithstanding  the  many  blemishes  and  cor- 
ruptions cleaving  unto  it,  to  have  been  a  true  ministry; 
and  we  shall  never  deny  unto  them  that  praise,  whether 
in  debating  controversies  with  papists,  or  in  practical  di- 
vinity for  private  christians,  which  they  do  most  justly  de- 
serve. Upon  the  other  part,  we  are  neither  so  ignorant, 
nor  so  arrogant,  as  to  ascribe  to  the  church  of  Scotland 
such  absolute  purity  and  perfection  as  hath  not  need,  or 
cannot  admit,  of  further  reformation.'! 

'  When  they  troubled  us  but  with  ceremonies,'  adds 
Baillie,  '  the  world  knows  we  went  in  with  them  as  far 
as  our  duty  to  God  or  man  could  require ;  but  while  they 
would  have  us,  against  standing  laws,  to  receive  armin- 
ianism  and  popery,  and  all  they  please,  shall  we  not  bear 
them  witness  to  their  opposition  to  the  truth,  though  we 
should  die  for  it,  and  preach  the  truth  of  God,  wherein  we 
have  been  brought  up,  against  all  who  will  gainsay  ?'| 

'  I  never  said  nor  thought,'  said  the  martyred  Kenwick, 
to  bishop  Paterson,^   *  that  none  could  be  saved  except 


*-  McCrie's  Life  of,  Period  iv. 

t  Life  and  Times,  by  Dr.  Aiton,  p.  13.  Dr.  Muir's  Disc,  at  Com- 
memor.  of  the  Genl.  Ass.  of  163S.  Glasg.  1838,  p.  22.  On  the  liberal 
conduct  of  the  early  Scottish  church,  see  Lectures  on  the  Headship 
of  Christ,  Glasg.  1840,  pp.  80,  81.  See  her  remarkable  liberality  in  the 
case  of  archbishop  Bancroft's  discourse  and  conduct.  McCrie's 
Life  of  Melville,  vol.  i.  pp.  385-390.  McCrie  on  the  Unity  of  the 
Church,  pp.  14,  15. 

t  Ibid. 

§  Hist,  of  the  Covenanters,  vol.  ii.  p.  321. 


244  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

they  were  of  those  principles  ;  but  these  are  truths  which 
I  suiTer  for,  and  whichi  have  not  rashly  concluded  on,  but 
deliberately,  and  of  a  long  time  have  been  confirmed,  that 
they  are  sufficient  points  to  suffer  for.' 

The  Provincial  council  of  London,  in  their  work  on  the 
divine  right  of  the  Gospel  Ministry,  published  in  the  year 
1654,  show  the  same  spirit  in  their  preface,  to  the  reader. 
They  here  enumerate,  among  those  with  whom  they  desire 
union  and  harmony,  '  the  moderate,  godly  episcopal  men, 
that  hold  ordination  by  presbyters  to  be  lawful  and  valid ; 
that  a  bishop  and  a  presbyter  are  one  and  the  same  order  of 
ministry,  that  are  orthodox  in  doctrinal  truths,  and  yet  hold 
that  the  government  of  the  church  by  a  perpetual  mode- 
rator is  most  agreeable  to  scripture  pattern.  Though  here- 
in we  differ  from  them,  yet  we  are  far  from  thinking  that 
this  difference  should  hinder  a  happy  union  between  them 
and  us.  Nay,  we  crave  leave  to  profess  to  the  world^ 
that  it  will  never,  (as  we  humbly  conceive,)  be  well  with 
England  till  there  be  a  union  endeavored  and  effected  be- 
tween those  that  are  orthodox  in  doctrine,  though  dif- 
fering among  themselves  in  some  circumstances  about 
church  government.'^ 

In  the  Character  of  an  Old  EngUsli  Puritan,  written  by 
the  Kev.  John  Geree,  and  published  in  1646,  it  is  said, 
'right  discipline  he  judged  pertaining  not  to  the  being 
but  to  the  well-being  of  the  church.  Therefore  he  es- 
teemed those  churches  most  pure,  where  the  government 
is  by  elders,  yet  unchurched  not  those  where  it  was  other- 
wise.'! 

So  also  in  '  A  Model  of  Church  Government,'  &c.  '  by 
John  Drury,  one  of  the  assembly  of  Divines,'  it  is  said, 

*  Page  4.  See  also  Pt.  ii.  pp.  20, 22,  23,  (a  defence  of  the  character  of 
the  ministers  of  the  English  church,)  25,  27,  29,  30, 31,  38.  Seea]so  their 
Div.  Riffht  of  Ch.  Govt.  pp.  120,  121,  and  Firmin's  Separation  Exam- 
ined, addressed  to  them,  p    107.     Also  Corbet's  Remains,  p.  32,  &c. 

t  London,  p.  4. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  245 

'  First,  then,  I  think  myself  bound  to  declare  this :  that  I 
am  under  a  vow  to  prosecute,  upon  all  occasions,  as  long 
as  I  live,  the  ways  of  evangelical  reconciliation  amongst 
PROTESTANTS  ;  that  is  to  say,  professedly  to  seek,  and  up- 
on all  occasions  oflered  to  advance,  amongst  those  that 
have  received  the  holy  scriptures  for  their  rule,  and  keep 
to  the  fundamentals  of  faith  and  practice,  the  means  of 
spiritual  unity,  of  peace  and  of  love,  by  the  manifestation 
of  the  truth,  and  in  the  duties  of  holy  communion.  Hav- 
ing, therefore,  this  opportunity  fairly  oflered,  I  am  obliged, 
in  minding  my  vow,  to  discharge  a  good  conscience  ;  and 
for  the  love  which  I  owe  unto  the  gospel  of  peace,  to  the 
whole  church  of  God,  and  to  the  prosperity  and  flourish- 
ing condition  thereof  in  this  nation,  to  make  some  over- 
tures, which  I  hope  shall  give  no  matter  of  grievance  un- 
to any,  but  will  prove  edifying  unto  all ;  at  least  my  aim 
shall  be  none  other,  but  to  stir  up  thy  pure  mind,  (christian 
reader,)  to  the  thoughts  of  brotherly  kindness,  of  meekness, 
and  of  peace,  to  the  end  that  some  ways  may  be  taken 
up,  which  will  help  to  reconcile  the  aftections  of  many  di- 
vided about  circumstantials  ;  to  preserve  and  keep  entire 
the  unity  which  remains  about  fundamentals  ;  and  to  pre- 
vent or  cure  the  manifold  misprisions,  which  increase  our 
confusions,  and  obstruct  the  remedies  of  our  diseases.'* 

We  might  refer  to  Baxter's  works  throughout.  We 
will  only  extract  one  or  two  passages  in  his  '  Disputations 
of  Church  Government,'  written  when  the  presbyterian 
party  were  in  power.f     In  the  preface  he  says,  '  I  know 


*  Lond.  1647,  4to.  Preface.  The  assembly  of  Divines  split  on  the 
subject  of  toleration,  many  members  advocating  liberal  views.  See 
Wilson's  Historical  Inquiry  concerning  the  English  Presbyterians,  pp. 
3, 4,  5,  20,  23.  That  they  were  vi^illing  to  accommodate  with  the  Epis- 
copalians, see  ibid,  p.  144.  147,  153,  171.  See  also  their  noble  liberali- 
ty, when  they  could  have  retaliated,  in  Neal's  Puritans,  vol.  v.  pp.  16, 
17,  23,  and  vol.  iv.  pp.  391,  418,  and  vol.  v.  pp.  33,  36,  37,  41,  58. 

t  Lond.  1659.     Pref.  p.  19.     See  also  Neal,  vol.  iv.  pp.  226  and  231, 
for  similar  sentiments  under  similar  circumstances. 
21# 


246  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

also  that  the  casting  out  of  the  ministers  of  your  way,  is 
much  that  ofFendeth  you :  concerning  which  I  shall  only 
say,  that  I  meet  with  none,  or  very  few,  that  profess  not 
their  willingness  that  all  men  of  your  mind,  that  truly  fear 
God,  and  are  able  and  diligent,  should  be  kept  in.  And 
if  you  be  angry  for  the  casting  out  of  the  ignorant,  insuffi- 
cient, negligent  or  scandalous,  there  is  no  remedy.  But  be 
ashamed  to  reproach  us  for  casting  out  such  from  the  ser- 
vice of  Christ,  as  Julian  the  apostate  would  have  cast  out 
from  the  priesthood  of  his  idols :  and  let  us  crave  your 
leave  to  expect  as  much  devotion  in  the  servants  of  Christ, 
as  he  expected  in  his  enemies.' 

Still  more  remarkable  are  the  following  words  from  his 
own  Life.^  '  My  censures  of  the  papists  do  much  differ 
from  what  they  were  at  first.  I  then  thought  that  their 
errors  in  the  doctrines  of  faith  were  their  most  dangerous 
mistakes.  But  now  I  am  assured  that  their  mis -express- 
ions and  misunderstanding  us,  with  our  mistakings  of  them 
and  inconvenient  expressing  of  own  opinions,  have  made 
the  difference  in  most  points  appear  much  greater  than  it 
is  ;  and  that  in  some  it  is  next  to  none  at  all.  But  the 
great  and  unreconcilable  differences  lie  in  their  church 
tyranny ;  in  the  usurpations  of  their  hierarchy,  and  priest- 
hood, under  the  name  of  spiritual  authority,  exercising  a 
temporal  lordship ;  in  their  corruptions  and  abasement  of 
God's  worship  ;  but,  above  all,  in  their  systematic  befriend- 
ing of  ignorance  and  vice.' 

'  At  ffi-st  I  thought  that  Mr.  Perkins  well  proved  that 
a  papist  cannot  go  beyond  a  reprobate  ;  but  now  I  doubt 
not  that  God  hath  many  sanctified  ones  among  them ; 
who  have  received  the  true  doctrine  of  Christianity  so 
practically,  that  their  contradictory  errors  prevail  not 
against  them,  to  hinder  their  love  of  God,  and  their  sal- 
vation :  but  that  their  errors  are  like  a  conquerable  dose 

*  Parti,  p.  131. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  247 

of  poison,  which  a  healthful  nature  doth  overcome.  And 
I  can  never  believe  that  a  man  may  not  he  saved  by  that  re- 
ligion, ivhich  doth  but  bring  him  to  the  true  love  of  God  and 
to  a  heaveyiUj  mind  and  life  ;  nor  that  God  ivill  ever  cast  a  soul 
into  hell  that  tridy  loveth  him.  Also  at  fust  it  would  dis- 
grace any  doctrine  with  me,  if  I  did  but  hear  it  called  po- 
pery and  antichristian  ;  but  I  have  long  learned  to  be 
more  impartial,  and  to  know  that  Satan  can  use  even  the 
names  of  popery  and  antichrist,  to  bring  a  truth  into  sus- 
picion and  discredit." 

To  this  might  be  added  the  testimony  of  one  who  suffer- 
ed from  the  tyranny  of  prelates  as  much  as  any  other. 
We  refer  to  Bastwick,  in  his  *  Utter  Routing,'  &c. ;  but  as 
the  passage  is  long,  v/e  can  only  refer  to  it.* 

*  I  do  likewise  abhor,'  says  Mathew  Henry,  *  all  schis- 
matical,  that  is,  uncharitable,  proud,  censorious,  rigid  sep- 
aration, such  separation  as  theirs  who  condemn  the  parish 
churches  as  no  parts  of  the  visible  church,  who  rail  at  min- 
isters as  babylonish  and  antichristian;  this  is  a  horrid 
breach  of  the  law  of  christian  love,  and  that  which  every 
good  heart  cannot  but  rise  at  the  thoughts  of 'f 

How  many  pages  might  we  fill  from  the  sainted  Howe.J 
In  his  deepest  sufferings  at  the  hands  of  the  prelates,  he 
declares  that  one  of  his  chief  consolations  in  suffering  was, 
the  '  consciousness  that  he  had  no  other  than  kind  or  be- 
nign thoughts  towards  those  whom  he  has  suffered  by ; 
and  that  his  heart  tells  him  he  desires  not  the  least 
hurt  to  those  that  would  do  him  the  greatest ;  that  he  feels 
within  himself  an  unfeigned  love  and  high  estimation  of 
divers  of  them,  accounting  them  pious,  worthy  persons, 

*■  The  title  of  this  really  learned  defence  of  presbyterianism,  is  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  among  the  many  that  are  so.  It  is  a  4to.  of  pp. 
6G2.  Lond.  1646.     See  at  pp.  567  -  570. 

t  Brief  Inq.  into  the  Nature  of  Schism,  Lond.  1737,  p.  24.  See  al- 
so his  Wks.  p.  1137,  col.  1. 

X  See  his  Life,  by  Rodgers,  p.  323.  Lond.  1836.  See  also  at  pp.  288, 
312,  333, 358,  366. 


248  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

and  hoping  to  meet  them  in  the  all-reconciling  world.' 
The  all-reconciling  world  !  How  beautiful  is  that  expres- 
sion I 

'  We  do  sincerely  profess,'  he  adds,  '  wherein  we  de- 
cline the  communion  he  invites  us  to  ;  we  only  displease 
him  and  those  of  his  way  and  mind,  out  of  a  real  fear  of 
otherwise  displeasing  God.  We  agree  with  them  in  far 
greater  things  than  we  can  differ  in.  We  are  of  that  one 
body  which  they  themselves  profess  to  be  of,  so  far  as 
mere  Christianity  is  the  distinction  and  collective  bond  of 
it,  and  desire  to  be  under  the  conduct  and  government  of 
that  one  spirit.  We  are  called  with  them  in  that  one  hope 
of  our  calling,  and  earnestly  expect,  (whatever  hard 
thoughts  they  have  of  us,)  to  meet  many  a  one  of  them 
in  the  participation  of  the  blessed  hoped  end  of  that  call- 
ing. We  acknowledge  that  one  Lord,  that  one  faith,  that 
one  baptism,  (or  covenant  which  the  baptism  of  our  Lord's 
appointment  seals,)  and  that  one  God  and  Father  of  all, 
who  is  above  all,  and  through  all,  and  in  us  all.  Yet  be- 
cause we  cannot,  we  dare  not  consent  with  them  to  the 
additions  which  belong  not  (and  which  we  fear  are  undu- 
ly affixed)  to  the  rehgion  of  Christianity.' 

Such  also  were  the  liberal  sentiments  of  the  oppo- 
nents of  prelacy  in  New  England.  Thus  Mr.  Welles,  in 
his  Vindication  of  Presbyterian  Ordination,  in  answer  to 
Mr  Leaming,  says,  '  We,  on  the  other  hand,  from  the 
same  testimonies,  believe  infant  baptism,  and  the  first 
day  sabbath.  We  accordingly  practice  them.  But  then, 
'  we  have  not  so  learned  Christ,'  as  to  think  it  our  duty, 
either  by  our  principles  or  practice,  to  unchurch  and  un- 
christianize  all  who  differ  from  us  in  these  points  :  but,  if 
they  are  otherwise  qualified,  cheerfully  admit  their  min- 
isters into  our  pulpits,  and  their  members  to  communion, 
in  gospel  ordinances.'*" 

*  New  Haven,  1767,  pp.  5,  19. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  24  9 

Dr.  Chandler,  in  his  plea  for  the  establishment  of  an 
American  episcopate,  and  against  which  there  existed 
such  irresistible  prejudices,  thus  speaks  of  '  the  dissent- 
ers.'* '  Whatever  notions  the  dissenters  in  this  country 
may  have  formerly  entertained  concerning  the  church,  yet 
of  late  years  they  have  greatly  come  off  from  their  preju- 
dices ;  and  sentiments  of  candor,  charity,  and  moderation 
have  visibly  taken  place.  And  as  to  dissenters  of  other 
denominations,  the  subject  has  been  proposed  to  some  of 
the  most  sensible  of  them,  who  have,  with  great  candor, 
confessed,  that  as  such  an  episcopate  as  has  been  request- 
ed could  have  no  ill  effect  upon  any,  they  had  no  objec- 
tions to  offer.  Nay,  some  have  even  been  so  generous,  as 
to  endeavor  to  undeceive  their  more  ignorant  and  illiberal 
brethren,  if  the  author  of  these  papers  has  not  been  mis- 
informed.' 

As  it  regards  the  present  views  and  sentiments  of  the 
presbyterian  church  in  this  country,  in  Scotland,  and  in 
Ireland,  it  is  unnecessary  to  produce  any  testimonies  be- 
yond what  have  been  offered.t  The  following  remarks, 
by  Dr.  Candlish,  will  at  once,  however,  serve  as  evidence 
of  the  truth  of  our  position,  and  an  illustration  of  the 
true  grounds  upon  which  our  liberality  is  based. $  After 
expressing  his  profound  respect  for  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, he  says,  '  And  in  entire  consistency  with  these 
more  than  friendly  sentiments,  I  hold  the  divine  right  of 
presbytery,  and  I  believe  that  the  system  of  episcopacy 
is  unscriptural,  while  the  line  of  argument  by  which  it  is 
defended  seems  to  me  to  lead  naturally  to  the  establish- 


*  App.  for  the  Ch.  of  Eng.  in  Am.  p.  S8,and  again,  pp.  90  and  93. 

t  As  it  regards  this  country,  see  Dr.  Rodgers's  Life,  p.  328.  Dr. 
Rice,  as  quoted.  Dr.  Miller  on  the  Min.  2d  ed.  8vo.  p.  viii.  x.  xlviii. 
pp.  21.9,  231,  247-258.  Dr.  Mason's  Catholic  Commun.  and  Works, 
vol.  iii.  pp.  30,  31.  As  it  regards  President  Davies,  see  Bib.  Repert. 
1840,  pp.  190,  191,  201,  204.  Dr.  McLcod's  Eccl.  Catech.  p.  115.  Bib. 
Repert.  1836,  p.  34. 

I  Remarks  on  the  Dean  of  Faculty's  Letter,  Edinb.  1839,  pp.  16,  17. 


t 

250  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

ment  of  the  authority  of  a  pope.  I  am  aware,  that 
some  of  those  who  have  avowed  their  conviction,  that 
'  the  presbyterian  form  is  founded  on  the  word  of  God, 
and  agreeable  thereto,'  understand  this  as  meaning 
nothing  more,  than  that  the  word  of  God  is  as  much  in 
favor  of  presbyterianism  as  of  any  other  model — perhaps, 
on  the  whole,  rather  more  so.  They  consider  that  the 
Scripture  says  nothing  very  definite  on  the  subject,  and 
furnishes  no  means  of  ascertaining  very  positively,  what 
kind  of  government  the  Great  Head  of  the  church  in- 
tended to  institute.  They  say,  therefore,  of  presbytery, 
as  they  would  almost  equally  say  of  episcopacy,  or  of  in- 
dependency, that  '  it  is  founded  on  the  word  of  God,  and 
agreeable  thereto,'  because  they  think  that  the  word  of 
God  affords  room  for  very  considerable  latitude,  and  that 
the  hints  and  directions  which  it  contains,  are  so  general 
as  to  admit  of  several  different  schemes  being  viewed  as 
almost  equally  in  accordance  with  the  divine  will.  I  do 
not  quarrel  with  this  explanation  of  our  ordination  for- 
mula, in  those  who  conscientiously  adopt  it.  But  for 
myself,  I  take  it  somewhat  more  strictly.  According  to 
my  view  of  it,  it  implies,  that  the  word  of  God  has  laid  a 
foundation  for  a  certain  form  of  government  in  the 
church,  and  that  presbytery  is  exclusively  that  form.  I 
believe  that  the  New  Testament  does  contain  sufficient 
elements  for  a  determination  of  the  question,  —  what  is 
the  mind  of  God  in  this  matter?  that  it  was  not  the  de- 
sign of  our  Lord  and  his  apostles  to  leave  it  altogether 
loose  :  that  there  is  enough  to  guide  one  who  can  use  his 
reason  in  interpreting  Scripture,  to  a  knowledge  of  what 
they  meant  to  establish  and  to  sanction.  Entertaining 
these  opinions,  I  cannot  regard  the  distinction  between 
different  forms  of  church  government  as  one  of  little  im- 
portance. I  love  the  church  of  England,  but  I  condemn 
her  episcopacy.' 

'  Let  me  try  to  enlighten  the  Dean  of  Faculty  on  this 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM. 

dark  mystery  of  toleration.  It  is  quite  true,  that  the  intro  ■ 
duction  of  the  element  of  divine  authority,  in  support  of 
any  religious  truth,  or  any  ecclesiastical  arrangement, 
necessarily  involves  uncompromising  hostility  to  what- 
ever is  opposed  to  it.  But  there  are  two  antagonist  prin- 
ciples which  prevent  that  hostility  from  becoming  intol- 
erance. The  one  is  the  principle  which  leads  enlightened 
christians  to  make  a  distinction  between  the  merits  of  an 
opinion  or  system,  and  those  of  the  individuals  who  hold 
it.  The  other  lies  in  the  distinction  made  between  truths 
held  to  be  essential,  and  those  admitted  to  be  of  less  vital 
importance.  The  first  principle  allows  us  to  recognise  as 
christians,  many  individual  members  of  a  church,  which 
we  denounce  as  itself  antichristian.  The  second  admits 
of  our  recognising  churches  as  christian,  even  although 
in  some  features  of  their  constitution,  we  regard  them  as 
anti-scriptural.  These  principles  of  toleration  and  lib- 
erality, which  are  distinct  from  the  general  obligation  of 
christian  charity,  towards  the  persons  of  such  as  differ 
from  us,  and  which  are  directly  opposed  to  the  spurious 
latitudinarian  charity  of  indulgence  towards  their  errors, 
maintain,  amid  all  its  schisms,  the  unity  of  the  body  of 
Christ.  According  to  the  first  principle,  protestants,  who 
hold  the  church  of  Rome  to  be  Babylon,  may  cherish  the 
hope  that  not  a  few  in  its  communion  are  their  brethren 
in  Christ ;  and  Puseyites,  who  hold  the  church  of  Scot- 
land to  be  no  church  at  all,  and  who  call  her  Samaria, 
may  admit  that  some  prcsbyterians  may  be  saved.  Ac- 
cording to  the  second  principle,  we  who  view  episcopacy 
as  an  anti-scriptural  error,  yet  satisfied  that  it  may  not  be 
an  error  in  essentials,  cordially  embrace  the  church  of 
England,  as  a  true  church  of  the  living  God,  having  a 
sound  faith,  and  a  scriptural  administration  of  sacraments. 
'  I  have  not  time  to  illustrate  these  principles.  But  I 
think  that  they  deserve  the  consideration  of  those  who 
may  be  carried  away  by  the  outcry  about  intolerance,  and 


252  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

especially  by  the  elaborate  parallel  drawn,  between  the 
views  held  by  some  of  us,  in  regard  to  the  divine  au- 
thority of  the  presbyterial  form  of  government,  and  the 
doctrines  of  the  Oxford  divines  in  regard  to  apostolical 
succession.  It  should  have  been  known,  that  there  is 
the  widest  difference  of  opinion  between  us  and  them,  as 
to  the  real  nature  and  essential  conditions  of  a  christian 
church,  and  that  this  difference  makes  the  attempt  to 
confound  our  sentiments  altogether  unreasonable  and 
unfair.  It  is  not  their  appeal  to  scriptural  authority  on 
behalf  of  their  doctrine,  but  it  is  the  doctrine  itself,  which 
compels  them  to  exclude  from  the  pale  of  the  christian 
church  all  presbyterian  communities.'* 

Never  was  a  more  glorious  testimony  borne  to  the 
advancing  spirit  of  true  catholic  liberality,  than  by  the 
general  assembly  of  the  church  of  Scotland  in  1842,  in 
cancelling  the  schismatical  act  of  1799,  whereby  she  re- 
cognises the  church  as  one  body,  though  called  by  many 
names,  and  scattered  over  many  regions  of  the  earth,  and 
opens  her  pulpits  to  ministers  of  other  denominations  ; 
in  receiving  de])utations  from  England,  Ireland,  America, 
Prussia,  and  Switzerland  ;  in  opening  up  correspondence 
with  all  those  churches  who  hold  the  Head  ;  in  memorial- 
izing all  christians  to  unite  in  a  concert  of  prayer ;  and  in 
taking  measures  for  the  union  of  all  evangelical  denom- 
inations in  some  fraternal  league.! 

If,  then,  we  would  say  in  conclusion,  to  every  member 
of  the  presbyterian  church,$  if  any  man  ask  you  what 

*  See  similar  views  in  Dr.  Chalmers's  Lect.  on  Establishments,  8vo. 
Eng.  ed.  pp.  180-1S5,  and  Letter  to  the  Dean  of  Faculty,  p.  101.  An- 
derson's Def.  of  Presb.  pp.  347,  &c.  and  379.  Edward  Irving's  Ser- 
mons, vol.  ii.  p.  234.  Mitchell's  Letters  to  Bishop  Skinner,  pp.  7,  85. 
Manual  of  Presbytery,  by  Mr.  Lorimer,  Edinb.  1842,  p.  105. 

t  See  the  Presb.  Rev.  Edinb.  July,  1842,  and  Proceed,  of  General 
Assembly,  p.  4,  &c.  Also  the  Plan  for  Observing  the  Bi- Centen- 
ary of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  by  the  Commission,  on  Nov.  16th, 
1842. 

t  See  Baxter's  Works,  vol.  xvi.  pp.  327,  328.  Disput.  on  Ch.  Govt, 
pp.  240  -  252. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  253 

church  you  nre  of,  tell  him,  that  you  are  of  that  particular 
church  where  you  dwell ;  but  for  the  catholic  church  you 
know  but  one,  and  that  you  are  of  Thrust  not  your- 
selves into  a  corner  of  the  church,  and  there  stand  quar- 
relling against  the  rest ;  make  not  sectaries  of  yourselves 
by  appropriating  Christ,  and  the  church,  and  salvation,  to 
your  party ;  abhor  the  very  thoughts  and  name  of  any 
universal  church  of  Christ,  which  is  of  narrower  extent 
than  Christianity,  and  containeth  fewer  than  all  true 
christians,  and  is  pretended  to  be  confined  to  a  sect.  It 
is  not  the  papists  that  are  the  catholic  church,  nor  is  it 
the  Greeks,  no,  nor  the  protestants,  much  less  the  new 
prelates  alone ;  but  it  is  all  christians  through  the  world, 
of  whom  the  protestants  are  the  soundest  part,  but  not 
the  whole.  Again,  consider  what  a  lamentable  case  it  is, 
that  so  great  a  part  of  the  church  do  seem  to  be  at  a  loss 
about  the  church,  as  if  they  knew  not  where  it  is.  That 
they  run  up  and  down  the  house  of  God,  complaining 
that  they  cannot  find  the  house,  and  know  not  which 
room  it  is  that  is  the  house.  But  in  the  house  of  God  are 
many  rooms  and  mansions ;  one  for  Greeks,  and  one  for 
Ethiopians,  one  for  Armenians,  and  Georgians,  and  Syri- 
ans ;  one  for  many  that  are  called  papists  ;  one  for  Lu- 
therans and  Arminians  ;  one  for  Anabaptists,  and  one  for 
many  that  are  truly  gnilty  of  schism  and  separation  from 
particular  churches  ;  there  is  room  for  Episcopalians,  Pres- 
byterians, Independents,  and  Erastians  ;  there  is  room  for 
Augustinians,  called  Jansenists,  and  room  for  Calvinists  ; 
but  yet  no  room  for  any  but  christians  and  catholics. 
Alas,  that  after  so  many  warnings  in  plainest  words  of 
Scriprure,  and  the  history  of  so  many  ages,  so  many 
christians  should  yet  be  so  carnal,  as  to  be  saying,  I  am 
of  Paul,  and  I  am  of  Apollos,  and  I  of  Cephas,  that  is, 
Peter ;  yea,  that  after  Cephas  is  here  named  as  a  party, 
the  papists  should  be  so  wilfully  blind  as  still  to  make 
him  the  head  of  a  party  !  That  one  is  for  Rome,  and 
22 


254  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

another  for  Constantinople,  and  another  for  Alexandria  ! 
When  that  Augustine  hath  so  long  ago  decided  this  point 
against  the  Donatists,  and  told  them  which  is  the  catholic 
church,  even  that  which  begun  at  Jerusalem,  and  is  ex- 
tended over  the  world,  wherever  there  be  christians. 
Alas,  that  still  men  are  so  stupid  in  their  divisions,  as  to 
be  crying  out,  '  here  is  Christ,  and  there  is  Christ ;  here 
is  the  church,  and  there  is  the  church  ;  we  are  the  church, 
and  you  are  none  of  it ;'  when  the  body  of  Christ  and  its 
unity  is  so  frequently  and  plainly  described  in  the  Scrip- 
ture. I  know  that  none  are  members  of  the  church  that 
deny  any  essential  point  of  Christianity  ;  but  I  know  that 
many  other  mistaken  parties  are.  Consider  what  an  un- 
charitable, dangerous  thing  it  is  to  give  Christ's  spouse  a 
bill  of  divorce  ;  or  cast  his  children  out  of  his  family. 
And  in  the  name  of  God  take  heed  whilst  you  live,  first, 
that  you  never  confine  the  church  to  a  sect  or  party ; 
secondly,  nor  ever  cast  out  the  least  true  christians, 
seeing  Christ  will  never  cast  them  out.* 


SECTION     VIII. 

The  illiberal  character  of  Romish  and  Anglican  prelacy. 

But  to  all  this,  how  contrary  is  the  spirit  of  prelacy. 
The  intolerance  which  is  necessarily  connected  with  the 
prelatic  or  high-church  system,  we  have  already  demon- 
stated  from  their  own  recent  and  standard  works,  and 
from  their  own  practical  exemplifications  of  its  prin- 
ciples.* The  whole  system  is  essentially  bigoted  and 
illiberal  in  every  thing  that  respects  mere  external  forms , 
while  latitudinarian  in  all  that  relates  to  the  essential  doc- 

*  See  Lect.  on  the  Apost.  Succ.  pp.  171,  318,  319,  324,  325,  326,  342, 
344,  469,  470. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  255 

trines  of  the  gospel.  Prelacy  shows  its  claim  to  liberality 
and  comprehensiveness,  by  '  receiving  within  its  pale  all 
varieties  of  opinions/  and  teaching,  that  '  agreement  of 
opinion,  even  in  some  of  the  cardinal  doctrines  of 
CHRISTIANITY,  is  not  csscntial  to  harmony  of  feeling,  to 
christian  fellowship,  and  general  union.'*  Thus  does  it 
prove,  that  in  its  view  conformity  and  external  union  is 
of  more  importance  than  Christianity  itself,  and  that  obe- 
dience is  the  sum  and  substance  of  the  gospel.  Changing 
the  being  of  religion  into  superstition,  and  becoming  more 
and  more  earthly  and  servile,  it  is  in  a  fair  way  to  realize 
the  picture  drawn  by  Coleridge  :t  *  as  more  and  more 
estranged  from  the  one  in  all,  it  goes  wandering  at  length 
with  its  pack  of  amulets,  bead-rolls,  periapts,  fetisches, 
and  the  like  pedlery,  on  pilgrimages  to  Loretto,  Mecca, 
or  the  temple  of  Juggernaut,  arm  in  arm  with  sensuality 
on  one  side,  and  self-torture  on  the  other,  followed  by  a 
motley  group  of  friars,  pardoners,  faquirs,  gamesters, 
flagellants,  mountebanks,  and  harlots.'  '  Thus,  under  the 
mask  of  indifference,'  says  Lord  Brooke,  '  prelacy  hath 
brought  in  most  abominable  superstitions,  and  most  intol- 
erable slavery  on  the  persons,  liberties,  bodies  and  souls 
of  men.  For  they  have  pressed  consciences,  even  unto 
gasping;  yea,  and  would  not  be  satisfied,  though  they 
daily  heard  the  sighs  and  groans  of  those  bleeding  hearts, 
which  themselves  had  stabbed  with  the  poisoned  sword 
of  Church- Indifference.' $ 

Prelatists  are  now  mad  after  their  plan  of  '  catholic 
reunion '  among  the  divided  portions  of  Christ's  church. 
And  what  is  this  plan  ?  Let  one  of  themselves  answer.^ 
This  plan,   'which  forms   the  secret  mainspring  of  the 


*  Oxf.  Tracts,  vol.  i.  p.  428.     Colton's  Reasons  for  Preferring  Epis- 
copacy, p.  45,  &c. 

t  Church  and  State,  &c.  Lond.  1839,  p.  261. 

X  Disc,  of  Episcopacy,  Lond.  1642,  p.  60. 

\  The  Churchman's  Monthly  Review,  Jan.  1842,  p.  12, 


256  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

Tractarian  School,  is  based  on  two  fundamental  maxims, 
which  (as  lucus  a  non  luccndo)  they  are  pleased  to  term 
'  catholic  principles.'  The  first  is,  the  absolute  necessity 
to  the  very  being  of  a  church,  of  a  threefold  order  in  a 
visible  priesthood,  derived  by  an  unbroken  episcopal 
succession  from  the  apostles.  The  second  is,  the  duty 
of  entirely  renouncing  the  exercise  of  private  judgment, 
and  of  submitting,  with  implicit  deference,  to  the  decrees 
of  general  councils.  In  these  two  maxims,  which  prac- 
tically replace,  in  their  system,  the  two  tables  of  the  law, 
they  place  the  very  essence  of  the  christian  church. 
The  church  of  Rome,  therefore,  the  Eastern  or  Greek, 
the  Anglican  and  the  Anglo-American,  are  true  churches, 
have  the  entail  of  the  covenant,  and  their  reunion  is  to 
be  sought  by  all  practicable  means.  All  other  commu- 
nions are  not  churches,  but  'protestant  persuasions,' 
groups  of  heretics  or  schismatics,  having  no  ecclesiastical 
character,  and  which  are  left  to  the  uncovenanted  mercies 
of  God.  Their  members,  indeed,  may,  on  confession,  be 
received  into  the  church  by  the  sacrament  of  penance  ; 
but  the  communities  themselves  are,  de  facto,  excommu- 
nicated. To  seek  direct  intercourse  with  them,  would, 
therefore,  involve  the  forfeiture  of  our  own  catholicity, 
would  degrade  us  to  their  level,  and  would  thus  betray 
that  awful  privilege  of  '  making  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ,'  which  is  committed  to  our  own  priesthood,  in 
common  with  the  Greek  and  Romish  priests,  and  to 
these  alone.' 

'  Such  is  the  'catholic'  theory  of  reunion,  which  Mr, 
Hope  with  calmness,  and  Mr.  Palmer  with  bitterness  and 
passion,  press  upon  their  readers.'  Well  may  the  re- 
viewer, an  episcopalian  of  the  liberal  school,  add,  'we 
know  not  how  to  express  our  sense  of  the  enormous 
falsehood  it  involves,  or  of  the  awful  peril  of  that  course 
which  is  thus  recommended  for  our  adoption  at  the 
present  time.     First  of  all,  the  full  testimony  of  Scripture 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  257 

to  the  true  nature  and  essential  elements  of  the  christian 
church,  is  cast  away,  trodden  under  foot,  and  despised. 
In  its  room  there  is  put  forward  a  human  definition, 
without  one  shadow  of  warrant  from  God's  word ;  a 
definition  fraught  with  all  the  worst  elements  of  spiritual 
blindness,  heartless  bigotry,  and  priestly  ambition.  We 
ask  for  the  bread  of  sound  doctrine,  and  they  give  us  the 
stone  of  lifeless  forms  ;  we  seek  for  the  sustenance  of 
spiritual  worship,  and  they  offer  us  the  serpent-sophis- 
tries, which  palliate  and  excuse  the  gross  idolatry  of 
Rome.  Next,  that  search  for  truth  which  made  the 
Bereans  noble  in  God's  sight,  that  choice  which  Moses, 
Joshua,  and  St.  Paul,  with  one  voice  enjoin  and  com- 
mand, is  openly  proscribed  as  the  very  essence  of  heresy, 
in  defiance  of  the  clearest  declarations  of  the  Spirit  of 
God.  The  laity,  bound  hand  and  foot,  are  given  over  as 
helpless  slaves  to  the  guidance  of  the  priesthood,  and 
these  again,  in  the  same  blind  subjection,  to  their  supe- 
riors ;  till,  by  degrees,  all  the  tightening  links  of  unity 
gather  around  the  seven-hilled  seat  of  the  Babylonian 
harlot,  and  the  visible  church,  that  noble  ordinance  for 
the  salvation  and  spiritual  life  of  ransomed  sinners,  is 
turned  into  one  vast  engine  of  spiritual  delusion,  by 
which  the  adversary  may  lead  millions  of  souls  blindfold 
to  their  eternal  ruin.' 

Surely 
If  there  be   rule   in   unity  itself, 
This  is  not  she.* 

As  it  regards  popery,  '  it  must  be  acknowledged,'  says 
M.  Villers,  himself  a  Romanist,  '  that  the  spirit  of  papism 
is  exclusive  and  intolerant.'!     Now  the  spirit  of  an  insti- 

*  Shakspeare's  Troilus  and  Cressida. 

t  Essay  on  the  Spirit  and  Influence  of  the  Reformation,  the  work 
which  obtained  the  prize  of  the  National  Institute  of  France.  London, 
1805,  pp.  79,  and  99,  100,  et  passim. 


258  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

tution  cannot  cease  to  act,  unless  the  institution  cease 
also.* 

That  this  testimony  is  true,  and  that  even  the  free  air 
of  this  repubhcan  country  cannot  infuse  a  hberal  spirit 
into  a  system,  which  *  owes  its  estabUshraent  and  contin- 
uance only  to  the  fertility  and  perpetuity  of  error,'  and 
which  lives,  therefore,  upon  its  intolerant  exclusiveness 
and  its  spiritual  despotism,  will  appear  from  the  following 
facts.  We  will  first  present  an  extract  from  '  A  Collection 
of  Prayers,  Spiritual  Exercises,  &c.,  interspersed  with  the 
various  instructions  necessary  for  forming  youth  to  the 
practice  of  solid  piety.  Originally  arranged  for  the  young 
ladies  educated  at  the  Ursuline  Convent,  Cork.  Re- 
vised by  the  Very  Rev.  John  Power,  and  approved  by 
the  Right  Rev.  Bishop  Hughes,  pp.  518.  New  York,  1839.' 

Whenever  a  protestant  minister  raises  his  voice,  to  warn 
his  flock  against  the  insidious  efforts  of  the  adherents  of 
the  pope,  to  bring  our  beloved  country  under  the  spiritual 
tyranny  of  a  foreign  potentate,  the  cry  of  uncharitable- 
ness  and  persecution  is  raised,  not  only  by  papists,  but 
by  many  nominal  protestants.  To  give  our  readers  a  lit- 
tle specimen  of  the  charity  of  holy  mother  church,  towards 
all  who  doubt  her  infallibility,  and  renounce  her  commu- 
nion, we  present  the  following  extracts  from  a  dissertation 
at  the  end  of  the  volume,  on  the  reasons  for  adhering  to 
the  Roman  catholic  religion. 

* '  It  is  true,  that  popery  is  advancing.  It  is  true  that  popery,  assum- 
ing as  it  does  for  the  church  a  divine  right  to  judge  for  the  people 
what  is  truth,  is,  and  must  be,  intolerant.  It  is  true,  that  its  history  is 
written  in  blood,  and  that  no  denials,  no  arguments,  or  even  sophistry, 
can  wipe  from  its  published  and  current  documents,  its  broad  and 
glaring  sanction  of  whatever  oppression,  even  unto  cruel  death,  may 
be  deemed  needful  to  exterminate  whatsoever  is  not  submissive  to  itself. 
It  is  true,  that,  (whatever  bright  examples  of  ardent  piety,  of  tender 
charity,  and  generous  equity,  may  have  been,  or  may  be,  found  in  its 
communion,)  all  that  is  terrible  to  rational  liberty  may  be  feared,  if  it 
should  be  armed  with  power,  giving  scope  to  its  persecuting  and  in- 
exorable spirit.  That  popery  is  advancing  is  no  light  thing  —  believe 
and  tremble  !'     The  Cry  of  No  Popery.    Lend.  1842. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  259 

'  But  is  it  not  very  uncharitable,  to  believe  that  the  Ro- 
man catholic  church,  besides  being  the  only  true  church, 
is  the  only  one  in  which  salvation  can  be  obtained  ? ' 

'  It  is  by  no  means  uncharitable  to  believe  this  ;  no  more 
than  it  is  uncharitable  to  believe  any  awful  truth  which 
God  has  revealed.' 

'  But,  at  least,  is  it  not  very  uncharitable,  in  Pi,oman 
catholics,  to  abjure  all  manner  of  communication,  in  re- 
ligious exercises,  with  those  of  every  other  religion  ?' 

*  This  abjuration,  or  refusal,  so  far  from  being  unchari- 
table, is,  in  their  mind,  enforced  by  the  truest  charity. 
Convinced,  as  Roman  catholics  are,  and  firmly  persuaded, 
that  there  is,  and  that  there  can  be,  no  other  true  religion 
than  their  own,  they  cannot,  consistently,  nor  candidly, 
nor  lawfully,  approve,  or  even  appear  to  approve,  any 
other  religion ;  which  they  certainly  should  appear  to  do, 
were  they  thus  to  join  in  these  religious  exercises,  or  fre- 
quent places  of  worship  belonging  to  separated  commu- 
nions. Such  temporizing  conduct  has  the  aspect  of  pre- 
varication ;  it  is,  in  short,  betraying  the  truth  of  God.  In 
their  principles  they  must  abhor  it,  as  calculated  to  delude 
their  separated  brethren  into  an  unfounded,  and  therefore 
into  a  most  dangerous,  security.  Charity  here  compels 
them  to  stand  off  Besides,  esteeming  the  gift  of  divine 
faith  to  be  invaluable,  inasmuch  as,  without  faith,  it  is  im- 
possible to  please  God,  they  cannot  innocently  expose 
themselves  to  the  danger  of  losing  it.' 

'  But  still,  when  those  of  other  religions  scmple  not 
occasionally  to  attend  at  Roman  catholic  sermons,  and  at 
religious  exercises  in  Roman  catholic  places  of  worship, 
would  there  not  be  something  more  brotherly  in  returning 
this  compliment,  than  in  standing  off  with  such  rigor  I' 

*  The  preceding  answer  has  anticipated  a  negative  to 
this  question ;  it  is  now,  in  addition,  to  be  observed,  that 
the  principles  of  other  religions  allow  of  such  communi- 


260  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

cation;  the  principles  of  the  Roman  cathohc  rehgion 
peremptorily  forbid  it.' 

It  is  truly  overwhelming  to  consider  the  wantonness 
with  which  the  salvation  of  the  soul  is  made  to  depend 
upon  the  belief  of  points,  either  notoriously  untrue,  or 
incapable  of  any  establishment.  Thus  we  are  required 
to  believe  in  the  uninterrupted  succession  and  duration  of 
the  Romish  church.=^  And  yet  we  know  that  this  is  not 
true  as  to  location,  since  the  popes,  with  their  court,  re- 
sided at  Avignon,  for  seventy  years  together;!  nor  as  to 
persons,  since  many  of  the  popes  were  heretics,  or  infi- 
dels, and  therefore  no  true  popes ;  and  since  it  is  beyond  the 
power  of  any  human  being  to  decide  who,  in  many  cases, 
were  popes,  and  who  were  not ;  or  whether  there  was  any 
at  all.  It  is  equally  untrue  as  to  order,  either  in  worship 
or  discipline,  which  have  been  both  changed  and  altered ; 
while,  as  to  doctrine,  that  church  is  found  insisting  upon 
articles  of  faith,  now,  which  the  early  Roman  church,  and 
all  the  other  primitive  churches,  knew  nothing  of. 

We  must  also  believe  that  the  church  of  Rome  is  the 
mother  and  mistress  of  all  churches,  or  otherwise  be  ac- 
cursed ;  X  and  yet  truth  obliges  us  to  reject  this  claim,  and  to 
grant  it  to  the  mother  church  at  Jerusalem.  We  must  fur- 
ther believe  that  the  apocryphal  books  are  canonical,  or  be 
accursed ;  h  and  yet  are  we  required,  by  all  evidence,  exter- 
nal and  internal,  by  St.  Jerome,  and  by  pope  Gregory  I,  to 
believe  that  this  assertion  is  most  glaringly  unfounded.li 

Now  surely  this  is  a  very  awful  position,  in  which  an 
infallible  church  should  place  her  members.  Believe  her, 
and  they  must  be  condemned  by  God,  for  believing  a  lie  I 
Believe  the  truth,  and  they  must  endure  the  anathema- 
tizing curse  of  this  infallible  church  I     Believe  all  that 

*  This  is  Bellarmine's  Third  Note,  lib.  iv.  c.  4. 

t  Bellam.  de  Pontif.  lib.  iv.  c.  4. 

X  Concil.  Trid.  Sen.  7,  de  Bapt.  Can.  3,  et  Bulla  Pii.  iv. 

S  Concil.  Trid.  Sen.  4. 

II  See  bishop  Williamson,  in  Notes  of  the  Ch.  p.  102,  &c. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM.  261 

was  made  essential  to  salvation,  by  any  orthodox  church, 
for  hundreds  of  years,  and  yet  reject  the  superadded 
dogmas  of  this  upstart  church  of  Kome,  and  you  are 
forthwith  abandoned  to  all  the  terrors  of  her  abiding 
curse  I 

The  entire  creed  of  pope  Pius,  to  which  every  Roman- 
ist adheres,  is  an  anathema  and  a  curse  upon  all  other  de- 
nominations of  christians.  '  I  also  condemn,  reject,  and 
anathematize  all  things  contrary  thereto,  and  all  heresies 
whatsoever,  condemned,  rejected,  and  anathematized  by 
the  church.'^  The  church  of  Rome,  on  pain  of  anath- 
ema, teaches  to  be  essential  to  salvation,  and  requires  as 
a  condition  of  communion,  an  assent  to  the  following 
propositions :  t 

1.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  do  not  honor,  salute, 
and  honorably  worship,  the  holy  and  venerable  images. 
Deutero.  Mcene.  See  pp.  109-  111.  Creed  of  Pius  IV, 
p.  48. 

2.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  do  not  believe  that 
Christ  is  present  in  the  holy  eucharist,  by  way  of  transub- 
stantiation;  or  who  affirm,  that,  after  consecration,  the 
substance  of  the  bread  and  wine  remain  in  the  conse- 
crated elements.  Lateran  IV,  pp.  132,  133.  Trent,  pp. 
238,  239.     Creed  of  Pius  IV,  p.  48. 

3  That  they  are  accursed,  who  do  not  believe  that 
there  is  a  purgatory.  Florence,  pp.  152,  153.  Trent,  p. 
333.     Creed  of  Pius  IV,  p.  48. 

4.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  do  not  receive,  for  sa- 
cred and  canonical,  the  books  of  Tobit,  Judith,  Wisdom, 
Ecclesiasticus,  Baruch,  two  of  Maccabees,  and  the  addi- 
tions to  the  book  of  Daniel,  to  wit,  the  Story  of  Susannah, 
the  Song  of  the  Three  Children,  and  the  history  of  Bel 
and  the  Dragon.     Trent,  p.  161.     Creed  of  Pius  IV,  p.  49. 


*  See  given  in  full  in  Cramp's  Text  Book  of  Popery,  pp.  388,  389. 
t  See  Perceval's  Roman  Schism,  pp.  25-27, 


262  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

5.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  deny  that  confirmation, 
repentance,  extreme  unction,  orders,  and  matrimony,  are 
truly  and  properly  sacraments.  Trent,  p.  213.  Creed  of 
Pius  IV,  p.  47. 

6.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  say  that  there  is 
not  required  in  the  ministers,  w^hile  they  perform  and  con- 
fer the  sacraments,  at  least  the  intention  of  doing  what 
the  church  does.     Trent,  p.  217. 

7.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  deny  that  the  church  of 
Rome  is  the  mother  and  mistress  of  all  churches.  Creed 
of  Pius  IV,  p.  48. 

8.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  refuse  obedience  to  the 
bishop  of  Rome.     Creed  of  Pius  IV,  p.  48. 

9.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  deny  that  whole 
and  entire  Christ,  body  and  blood,  soul  and  divinity,  is 
contained  at  the  same  time  in  every  species  of  bread  in 
the  eucharist,  and  in  every  particle  thereof;  and  in  every 
species  of  wine  in  the  eucharist,  and  in  every  particle 
thereof     Trent,  pp.  230,  240. 

10.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  deny  that  Christ, 
in  the  eucharist,  ought  to  be  carried  about  and  exhibited 
to  the  people.     Trent,  p.  241. 

11.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  deny  that  sacra- 
mental confession  to  the  priests,  of  every  sin,  was  ordained 
by  Christ,  and  is,  by  divine  authority,  necessary  for  for- 
giveness.    Trent,  p.  281. 

12.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  affirm  that  the 
sacramental  absolution  of  the  priest  is  a  ministerial  and 
not  a  judicial  act.     Trent,  p.  283. 

13.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  say  that  the 
anointing  of  the  sick  does  not  confer  grace.    Trent,  p.  288. 

14.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  say,  that  by  the 
command  of  God,  all  and  each  of  Christ's  faithful  people 
ought  to  receive  both  species  of  the  most  holy  sacrament 
of  the  eucharist.     Trent,  p.  296. 

15.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  say  that  the 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  263^ 

masses,  in  which  the  priest  alone  receives  sacramental 
communion,  are  unlawful.     Trent,  p.  311. 

16.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  say  that  the 
church  has  not  power  to  dispense  with  the  Levitical 
degrees  of  consanguinity  as  impediments  to  marriage. 
Trent,  p.  327. 

17.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  deny  that  mar- 
riage, solemnized  but  not  consummated,  is  dissolved  by 
the  religious  profession  of  one  of  the  parties.  Trent, 
p.  328. 

18.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  say,  that  the 
clergy  may  contract  marriages.  Lateran  I,  p.  125.  Lat- 
eran  II,  p.  126,  127.     Trent,  p.  329. 

1 9.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  deny  that  the 
saints  departed  are  to  be  invoked.  Trent,  p.  353.  Creed 
of  Pius  IV,  p.  48. 

20.  That  they  are  accursed,  who  shall  deny  the  utility 
of  indulgences.     Trent,  p.  339.     Creed  of  Pius  IV,  p.  48. 

Clement  VI,  in  his  bull  of  anathema,  issued  against 
the  emperor  Louis  of  Bavaria,  expresses  himself  thus  :* 
'  May  God  strike  him  with  imbecility  and  madness ;  may 
heaven  overwhelm  him  with  its  thunders ;  may  the  anger 
of  God,  with  that  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  fall  upon  him 
in  this  world  and  in  the  next ;  may  the  whole  universe 
revolt  against  him ;  may  the  earth  swallow  him  up  alive  ; 
may  his  name  perish  from  the  earliest  generation,  and 
may  his  memory  disappear;  may  all  the  elements  be  ad- 
verse to  him;  may  his  children,  delivered  into  the  hands 
of  his  enemies,  be  crushed  before  the  eyes  of  their  father/ 
&c.  Such  language,  adds  M.  Villers,  did  not  prevent 
Petrarch,  playing  on  the  name  of  this  pope,  from  saying, 
that  he  was  clemency  itself;  while  Garasse,  and  all  his 
worthy  successors,  delight  in  repeating,  that  Luther  was 
a  clownish  monk,  a  hot-headed  heresiarch,  and  other  pitiful 
things.     Strange  blindness  of  ignorance  and  fanaticism ! 

*Rainaldi  Ann.  Eccles.  in  Villers  on  the  Ref.  p.  257. 


264  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

The  ?jull  against  Henry  VIIT,  is  '  the  excommunication 
and  damnation  of  Henry.'  That  against  Elizabeth  is 
'  the  excommunication  and  damnation  of  the  queen.'  In 
like  manner  does  this  church  damn  all  infants  that  have 
not  been  baptized  by  her.  '  Whither,'  she  asks,  'go  in- 
fants, that  die  without  baptism  ?  Answer.  To  that  part 
of  hell  ivhere  they  suffer  the  pains  of  loss,  hut  not  the  punish- 
ment of  sense ;  and  shall  never  see  the  face  of  God.' 

The  following  also  is  a  copy  of  an  excommunication, 
found  among  the  papers  of  Philip  Dunn,  a  E,oman  catho- 
lic bishop,  who  resided  in  the  county  of  Wicklow.  '  By 
the  authority  of  God  the  Father  Almighty,  and  the  blessed 
Virgin  Mary,  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  of  all  the 
holy  saints,  we  excommunicate  Francis  Freeman,  late  of 
the  city  of  Dublin,  but  now  of  Sackmill,  in  the  county 
of  Wicklow ;  that  in  spite  of  God  and  St.  Peter,  in  spite 
of  all  the  holy  saints,  and  in  spite  of  our  holy  father  the 
pope,  God's  vicar  here  on  earth,  and  in  spite  of  our  right 
reverend  father  in  God,  PhiHp  Dunn,  our  diocesan,  and 
the  worshipful  canons,  &c.,  who  serve  God  daily,  he  hath 
apostatized  to  a  most  damnable  religio7i,  full  of  Ibcresy  and 
blasphemy'  ( Let protestants  hear  it !)  ' Excommunicated 
let  him  be,  and  delivered  over  to  the  devil,  as  a  perpetual 
malefactor  and  schismatic.  Accursed  let  him  be,  and 
given  over,  body  and  soul,  to  the  devil.  Cursed  let  him 
be  in  all  cities,  and  in  all  towns,  in  fields,  in  ways,  in 
yards,  in  houses,  and  in  all  other  places,  whether  lying  or 
rising,  walking  or  running,  leaning  or  standing,  waking  or 
sleeping,  eating  or  drinking,  or  in  whatsoever  thing  he 
does  besides.  We  separate  him  from  the  threshold,  and 
all  good  prayers  of  the  church,  from  the  participation  of 
the  holy  Jesus,  from  all  sacraments,  chapels,  and  altars, 
from  holy  bread  and  holy  water,  from  all  the  merits  of 
God's  holy  priests,  and  all  holy  men,  and  from  all  clois- 
ters, from  all  pardons,  privileges,  grants,  and  immunities, 
which  all  the  holy  fathers,  the  popes,  have  granted  to 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  265 

them;  and  we  give  him  over  to  the  power  of  the  fiend; 
and  let  him  qiiciicli  his  soul,  when  dead,  in  the  llames  of 
hell  fire,  as  the  candle  is  now  quenched  and  put  out;  and 
let  us  pray  to  God,  our  lady,  St.  Peter,  and  St.  Paul,  that 
all  the  senses  of  his  body  may  fail,  as  now  the  light  of 
his  candle  is  gone  out;  except  he  comes,  on  siglit  hereof, 
and  openly  confesses  his  damnable  heresy  and  blasphemy, 
and  by  repentance,  as  much  as  in  him  lies,  make  satisfac- 
tion to  God,  our  lady,  St.  Peter,  and  St.  Paul,  the  wor- 
shipful company  of  this  church.  And  as  the  staff  of  this 
holy  cross  now  falls  down,  so  may  he,  unless  he  recants 
and  repents.  '  Philip  Dunn, 

'  Buy  AN   Moore,  JZegister* 

'  We  must  be  further  allowed  to  remind  you,'  says 
the  able  address  of  the  American  Protestant  Association, 
'that  notwithstanding  the  modest  guise  which  that  church 
puts  on,  in  this  and  other  protestant  countries,  no  evi- 
dence whatever  has  been  produced,  emanating  f/om  the 
Fapal  See,  that  it  has  abated  its  pretensions,  or  laid  aside 
its  persecuting  tenets.  We  are  not  satisfied  with  the 
disclaimers  of  Roman  Catholic  laymen  or  the  denials  of 
E-oiTiish  priests.  We  insist  upon  a  renunciation  from  the 
only  authority  in  the  church,  which  has  the  right  to  make 
one.  We  demand  that  the  same  power  which  enjoined 
the  persecutions  of  former  days,  shall  express  its  disap- 
proval of  them,  and  repudiate  the  pretended  right  to  per- 
secute for  opinion's  sake.  When  proof  of  this  sort  is 
produced,  we  may  listen  to  the  suggestion  that  popery 
has  put  off  its  intolerance.  We  do  not,  however,  rest 
here.  We  have  a  witness  at  hand,  who  will  be  deemed 
both  competent  and  credible  as  to  the  point  under  con- 
sideration. This  witness  is  Gregory  XVI,  the  reigning 
pope ;  and  the  document  from  which  we  quote,  is  hia 
famous  Encyclical  Letter  of  August  15th,  1832. 

'  From  that  polluted  fountain  of  indifference,  flows  that 
absurd  and  erroneous  doctrine,  or  rather  raving,  in  favor 
23 


266  ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM. 

and  in  defence  of  '  liberty  of  consdcnccl  for  which  most 
pestilential  error,  the  course  is  opened  by  that  entire  and 
wild  liberty  of  opinion  which  is  every  where  attempting 
the  overthrow  of  civil  and  rehgious  institutions ;  and 
which  the  iinbhishing  impudence  of  some,  has  held  forth 
as  an  advantage  of  religioii:  #  ^  *  ^  From  hence 
arise  these  revolntions  in  the  minds  of  men ;  hence,  this 
aggravated  corruption  of  youth ;  hence,  this  contempt 
among  the  people  of  sacred  things,  and  of  the  most  holy 
institutions  and  laws  ;  hence,  in  one  word,  that  pest  of  all 
others  most  to  be  dreaded  in  a  state,  unbridled  liberty  of 
opinion! 

Again.  '  Hither  tends  that  worst  and  never  sufficiently 
to  be  execrated  and  detested  liberty  of  the  j^rcss,  for  the  dif- 
fusion of  all  manner  of  writings^  which  some  so  loudly 
contend  for,  and  so  actively  promote.' 

And  again.  '  Nor  can  we  augur  more  consoling  conse- 
quences to  religion  and  to  government,  from  the  zeal  of 
some  to  separate  tlie  church  from  the  state,  and  to  burst 
the  bond  which  unites  the  priesthood  to  the  empire.  For 
it  is  clear  that  this  union  is  dreaded  by  the  profane  lovers 
of  liberty,  only  because  it  has  never  failed  to  confer  pros- 
perity on  both.' 

To  this  testimony,  we  append  the  following  extracts 
from  the  theology  of  Peter  Dens,  a  book  which  is  used 
in  the  Roman  Catholic  College  at  Maynooth,  Ireland, 
An  edition  of  this  work  has  been  published  at  Mechhn, 
in  the  Netherlands,  as  recently  as  the  year  1838.  It  is 
there  distinctly  asserted,  that 

'  Baptized  infidels,  snch  as  heretics  and  apostates  usu- 
ally are,  also  baptized  schismatics,  may  be  compelled,  even 
by  corporal  punishments,  to  return  to  the  Catholic  faith, 
and  the  unity  of  the  church.' 

*  The  reason  is,  because  these  by  baptism  have  become 
subject  to  the  church,  and  therefore  the  church  has  juris- 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  267 

diction  over  them,  and  the  power  of  compelling  them, 
through  appointed  means  of  obedience,  to  fulfil  the  obli- 
gations contracted  in  baptism.' 

Again,  it  is  said,  by  the  same  author : 

*  The  rites  of  other  infidels,  namely,  pagans  and  here- 
tics, in  themselves  considered,  are  not  to  be  tolerated; 
because  they  are  so  bad  that  no  truth  or  advantage  for 
the  good  of  the  church  can  be  thence  derived.  Except, 
however,  unless  greater  evils  would  follow,  or  greater 
benefits  be  hindered.' 

After  stating  that  heretics  are  deservedly  visited  with 
penalties  of  exile,  imprisonment,  and  so  forth,  this 
author  asks : 

'  Are  heretics  rigJitly  punished  ivith  death?' 

*  St.  Thomas' answers,  (2.  2.  quest.  XI,  art.  3,  in  corp.) 
Yes,  because  forgers  of  money  or  other  disturbers  of  the 
state,  are  justly  punished  with  death. ;  therefore  also  here- 
tics, who  are  forgers  of  the  faith,  and,  as  experience 
shows,  grievously  disturb  the  state.' 

'  Here  is  documentary  evidence  of  the  highest  kind,  to 
show  that  popery  is  unchanged;  to  prove  that  the  popery 
of  the  19th  century  and  the  popery  of  the  16th  are  the 
same.  We  have  it  affirmed  by  a  standard  authority  in 
the  Romish  church,  that  it  is  right  to  jnit  heretics  to  death. 
And   we  have  it   officially   promulgated  by   the  present 

pope,  that  LIBERTY  OF  CONSCIENCE,  LIBERTY  OF  OPINION, 
the  LIBERTY  OF  THE  PRESS,  and  the  SEPARATION  OF  CHURCH 

AND  STATE,  are  four  of  the  sorest  evils  with  which  a  na- 
tion can  be  cursed !  Both  as  protestants  and  as  Ameri- 
can citizens,  we  count  the  rights  which  are  here  assailed 
as  among  our  dearest  franchises  ;  and  we  cannot  look  on 
in  silence  and  see  the  craft  and  power  of  Pi.ome  syste- 
matically and  insidiously  employed  to  subvert  them. 
We  deplore  the  necessity  which  calls  for  the  measure  ; 
but,  beheving  as  we  do,  that  patriotism  and  Christianity 


268  ECCLESIASTICAL     RErUBLICANISM. 

demand  it,  we  have  uniied,  and  we  invite  all  who  love 
our  institutions  to  unite  with  us  in  repelling  the  aggres- 
sions of  the  papal  hierarchy.' 

We  may,  therefore,  apply  to  this  doctrine  of  prelacy, 
both  Romish  and  Anglican,  the  words  of  Shakspeare : 

'  Nay,  had  it  power,  it  would 
Pour  the  sweet  milk  of  concord  into  hell. 
Uproar  the  universal  peace,  confound 
All  u  ity  on  earth.' 

It  is,  then,  no  part  of  liberality  to  call  this  system  of 
prelacy,  whether  Romish  or  Anglican,  catholic.  It  should 
be  remembered,  to  use  the  w^ords  of  Coleridge,  that  the 
Romish  anti-catholic  church,  would  more  truly  express 
the  fact.  Rojnish,  to  mark  that  the  corruptions  in  disci- 
pline, doctrine,  and  practice  do,  for  the  larger  part,  owe 
both  their  origin  and  perpetuation  to  the  Romish  court, 
and  the  local  tribunals  of  the  city  of  Rome  ;  and  neither 
are  or  ever  have  been  catholic,  that  is,  universal,  through- 
out the  Roman  empire,  or  even  in  the  wdiole  Latin  or 
Western  church ;  and  anti-catholic,  because  no  other 
church  acts  on  so  narrow  and  excommunicative  a  princi- 
ple, or  is  characterized  by  such  a  jealous  spirit  of  mo- 
nopoly. Instead  of  a  catholic  (universal)  spirit,  it  may 
be  truly  described  as  a  spiritof  particularism,  counterfeiting 
catholicity  by  a  negative  totality  and  heretical  self-cir- 
cumspection ;  in  the  first  instances  cutting  ofl^  and  since 
then  cutting  herself  ofl^  from  all  the  other  members  of 
Christ's  body.*' 

We  are  well  aware,  that  in  expressing  these  senti- 
ments, we  will  be  held  up  as  utterly  contradicting  our 
own  principles  of  liberality,  and  as  being  bigots  of  the 
fiercest  order.  Now  it  has  been  justly  remarked,!  that 
persecution  for  conscience   sake,'  is  so  odious,  and  the 

*  Aids  to  Reflection,  Lond.  1S39,  pp.  155,  156. 
X  See  Life  of  Knox,  vol.i.  pp.  301,  303. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  269 

least  approach  to  it  so  dangerous,  that  we  deem  it  impos- 
sible to  express  too  great  detestation  of  any  measure, 
which  tends  to  countenance,  or  seems  to  encourage  it. 
'  But  let  us  be  just  as  well  as  liberal.'  We  speak  the 
truth  in  Christ,  and  lie  not.  We  are  exceedingly  pressed  in 
spirit,  and  constrained  to  give  our  public  testimony  against 
the  system  of  European  popery.  We  are  sincerely  sacri- 
ficing our  own  personal  feeling  in  so  doing.  Most  hearti- 
ly do  we  wish  we  could  remain  silent,  or  think  otherwise 
of  this  dangerous  foreign  and  hostile  system.  But  it  is 
impossible.  Woe  is  unto  us  if  we  speak  not  out,  and 
give  a  timely  warning. 

Let  that  warning  be  heard.  Let  our  views  be  candid- 
ly examined.  Let  us,  as  protestants  and  presbyterians, 
have  the  same  freedom  of  speech,  and  the  same  candid 
and  impartial  hearing,  which  are  so  freely  given  to  our 
Komish  brethren.  Why  is  jealousy  to  be  exercised  only 
towards  protestants,  and  almost  exclusively  towards  pres- 
byterians? Why  are  we  alone  to  be  excluded  from  all 
the  advantages  of  the  spirit,  liberality,  and  charity,  which 
our  reformers  have  vainly  contributed  to  originate  and 
to  foster?*  Why  are  v:e,  their  posterity,  who  cling,  it 
may  be,  with  an  over-fond  tenacity  to  their  opinions,  to 
be  denied  the  benefits  of  that  very  inheritance  they  pur- 
chased for  us  with  tears  and  blood  ?  Are  we  alone  prone 
to  illiberality,  and  have  Romanists  and  prelatists  become 
the  exclusive  possessors  of  all  true  charity  ?  Are  we  so 
disinherited  of  our  fathers'  glory,  and  have  popery  and 
prelacy  become  so  transformed,  that  whereas  they  are 
now  the  presiding  genii  of  all  true  and  genuine  liberality, 
we  are  the  very  personification  of  harshness  and  bigotry? 

And  has  it  come  to  this,  that  while  the  sworn  subjects 
of  a  foreign  prince,  who  claims  over  them  infallible  as 
well  as  desiiotic  authority,  are  to  be  allowed  all  liberty  to 

*  Mc  die's  Life  of  Knox,  vol.  ii.  p.  25. 
23* 


270  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

propagate  their  unchristian  tenets,  to  defame  protestant- 
ism, and  constantly  to  anathematize  and  curse  us,  all 
this  is  to  he  regarded  as  no  more  than  a  jnst  exercise  of 
liberty  and  self-defence  ;  while  we,  by  whose  principles 
this  great  republic  was  originated,  and  is  upheld,  are  to 
be  reprobated  as  bigots,  and  to  be  heard  with  the  ear 
of  a  closed  incredulity,  when  we  venture  to  assert  the 
irreconcilableness  of  unchanged  and  European  popery 
with  true  Christianity,  or  with  genuine  liberty,  and  when 
we  would  warn  the  republic  of  those  dangers  with  which, 
on  this  account,  its  stability  and  happiness  are  threatened  ? 
May  God  forbid. 


CHAPTER   VI 


THE    CATHOLICITY    OF    PRESBYTERY. 


SECTION 


The  catholicity  of  presbytery  in  its  ecclesiastical  system,  in 

contrast  ivith  popery  and  prelacy. 

The  polity  of  the  christian  church  was  modelled,  as  we 
have  already  proved,  after  the  discipline  of  the  Jewish 
synagogue.  That  system,  which  seems  to  have  been  a 
development  of  the  simpler  and  more  catholic  service  of 
the  patriarchal  dispensation,  was  permitted,  by  divine 
providence,  if  not,  as  is  probable,  by  express  divine  teach- 
ing, to  run  parallel  with  the  national  and  typical  dispen- 
sation of  Moses,  until  it  became  merged  in  the  christian 
economy. *"  The  chief  characteristics  of  this  system  were 
the  simplicity  of  its  rites,  and  the  consequent  facility  with 
which  it  could  be  reduced  to  practice  in  any  part  of  the 
world.  It  was  not  Jewish,  like  the  Mosaic  ritual,  but  uni- 
versally applicable,  under  whatever  form  of  civil  govern- 
ment it  might  be  introduced.  It  thus  stood  in  direct 
contrast  to  the  temple  service,  which  was  strictly  national 
and  sectarian,  and  admitted  of  no  alliance  or  intermixture 
with  any  other  polity  or  government  While  therefore 
the  temple  had  its  lineal  order  of  priests,  and  its  prescribed 

*■  Nolan's  Cath.  Char,  of  Chr.  p.  191.  See  also  Scott.  Chr.  Herald, 
for  1839,  pp.  627,  G53,  &c.  Brown's  Yind.  of  Presb.  Ch.  Govt.  p.  269. 
Pica  for  Presbytery,  pp.  316,  322. 


272  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

and  unalterable  ceremonies  and  forms  of  consecration,  the 
ministers  of  the  synagogue  were  of  no  particular  tribe  or 
lineage,  but  were  received  according  to  the  judgment  of 
its  rulers,  and  by  the  simple  rite  of  imposition  of  hands. 
The  sacerdotal  service,  by  being  restricted  to  Jerusalem, 
was,  in  this  way,  prepared  for  abrogation,  while  the  syna- 
gogue service  was  as  plainly  capable  of  extension  to  every 
clime,  and  was  therefore  truly  catholic. 

By  a  strange  fatuity,  however,  that  church  which  arro- 
gates to  itself  the  exclusive  attribute  of  catholicity,  has 
assumed,  as  its  exemplar  and  standard,  the  partial,  narrow, 
and  sectarian  model  of  the  temple  service ;  while  we,  to 
whom  the  very  name  of  catholic  is  most  bitterly  denied 
by  this  arrogant  sect,  have  in  every  thing  practicable, 
conformed  oar  polity  to  the  popular,  free,  and  catholic 
system  of  the  synagogue.  In  the  prelacy,  accordingly, 
we  find  every  thing  aristocratic,  illiberal,  and  exclusive, 
with  a  correspondent  imitation  of  the  splendid  ceremonies 
and  external  rites  of  the  extinct  Mosaic  institute,  in  its 
priests,  altars,  and  sacrifices  ;  Avhile  presbyterianism  is 
found  rejecting  all  such  burdensome  and  unprofitable 
forms,  and  at  once  enlarging  itself  to  the  full  amplitude  of 
the  most  comprehensive  and  catholic  principles.  We 
have  neither  priests,  altars,  sacrifices,  nor  mediators,  but 
ministers  only ;  whose  great  business  and  duty  it  is,  to 
lead  their  hearers  to  the  one  mediator,  who  has  made  the 
only  available  sacrifice,  '  once  offered  upon  the  cross,'  — 
the  only  altar  recognised  by  Christianity.  Any  attempt  to 
restore  such  a  burdensome  ceremonial,  which  was  impo- 
sed upon  the  Jews  for  their  hardness  of  heart,  must  be 
regarded  as  equally  profane  and  anti-christian,  since  it 
was  by  its  entire  removal  Christianity  was  enabled  to  dif- 
fuse itself  with  illimitable  freedom.  All  unnecessary 
ceremonies  serve  as  a  pale  to  rehgion,  by  which  its  com- 
pass is  limited,  and  its  diffusion  restricted ;  and  their 
introduction  into  a  religion  designed  to  be  universal,  is 
therefore  clearly  incompatible  with  its  very  nature. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  273 

There  are  thus,  as  presbyterians  believe,  but  two  sacra- 
mental rites  instituted  by  Christ,  the  one  as  a  medium  of 
initiation,  and  the  other  of  communion  ;  both  remarkable 
for  their  significance,  their  simplicity,  and  their  adaptation 
to  persons  of  all  ages  and  countries,  —  purification  by 
water,  and  sustenance  by  bread  and  wine,  being  customs 
universally  familiar* 

As  the  light  of  nature  teaches  that  there  is  a  God,  and 
that  he  is  to  be  worshipped,  so  will  that  form  of  worship 
instituted  by  God,  and  limited  by  his  revealed  will,  be 
found  to  be  the  simplest  that  can  be  conceived,  and  most 
contrary  to  the  devices  and  imaginations  of  men,  who  are 
never  satisfied  without  ceremonies  equally  formal,  gor- 
geous, and  burdensome.  Religious  worship  is  therefore 
to  be  given  to  God,  —  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  — 
and  to  Him  alone,  and  not  to  angels,  saints,  or  any  other 
creature  ;  neither  is  God  to  be  worshipped  by  any  visible 
representation,  or  in  any  way  not  prescribed  in  Scripture. 
Prayer  with  thanksgiving ;  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures 
with  godly  fear ;  the  sound  preaching  of  the  gospel  and 
conscionable  hearing  of  the  word,  with  understanding, 
faith,  and  reverence ;  singing  of  psalms  with  grace  in  the 
heart ;  as  also  the  due  administration  of  the  sacraments 
instituted  by  Christ;  are  all  parts  of  the  ordinary  religious 
worship  of  God  ;  besides  religious  oaths  and  vows,  solemn 
fastings  and  thanksgivings  upon  special  occasions,  which 
are  in  their  several  times  and  seasons,  to  be  used  in  a 
holy  and  religious  manner.f  Neither  are  prayer  or  any 
other  parts  of  religious  worship  now  under  the  gospel, 
either  tied  unto,  or  made  more  acceptable,  by  any  place 
in  which  they  are  performed,  or  toward  which  they  are 
directed,  so  as  to  make  any  gorgeous  or  consecrated  tem- 
ple essential  and  requisite ;  but  God  is  equally  present 
wherever  he  is  sought,  and  is  every  where  to  be  worship- 

*  Nolan,  as  above,  p.  244. 
t  Conf.  of  Faith,  ch.  xxi. 


274  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

peel  in  spirit  and  in  truth  ;  as  in  private  families  daily,  and 
in  secret  each  one  by  himself,  so  more  solemnly  in  public 
assemblies  * 

Such  being  the  simple  ritual  of  the  christian  worship, 
as  drawn  forth  in  the  standards  of  our  church,  and  its  per- 
fect adaptation  to  the  universal  family  of  man,  in  whatever 
stage  of  civilization  men  may  be  found ;  the  designed 
extension  of  these  privileges  of  the  christian  church  is 
plainly  not  less  oecumenical.  The  visible  church  to  which 
these  ordinances  are  given,  is  truly  catholic  or  universal, 
embracing  all  those  throughout  the  world,  of  whatever 
name,  age,  condition,  talent,  or  rank,  that  may  at  any  time 
or  manner  be  led  to  embrace  the  true  religion,  together  with 
their  children.!  Such  is  our  idea  of  the  church,  and  beyond 
this  nothing  more  comprehensive  can  be  possibly  con- 
ceived. It  is  the  one  entire  body  of  which  Christ  is  the 
head,  and  of  which  all  are  members  who  have  been  partici- 
pants of  his  one  Spirit  of  grace.  It  is  the  kingdom  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  house  and  family  of  God  ;  including 
every  son  and  daughter  of  Adam  who  have  been  called 
to  the  knowledge  of  his  truth,  and  excluding  none,  by 
whatever  name  they  are  called,  who  profess  to  be  subject 
unto  Him.  It  is  characterized  by  universality,  unity,  and 
the  widest  charity,  and  is  infinitely  removed  from  secta- 
rianism, exclusiveness,  and  bigoted  and  intolerant  illib- 
erality. 

Nor  will  this  comprehensive  and  catholic  character  of 
the  church,  as  understood  by  presbyterians,  be  at  all 
abridged  when  we  contemplate  the  officers  by  whom  its 
discipline  is  administered.  Repudiating  as  judaical  and 
antichristian,  the  whole  theory  of  a  hierarchical  caste  or 
priesthood,  who  constitute  in  fact  the  church,  and  to  whom 
all  its  authority  and  privileges  are  made,  of  right,  to  belong ; 
we  believe  that  it  was  unto  the  catholic  visible  church, 

■*  See  Nolan's  Conf.  of  Faith,  ch.  xxi. 
t  Ibid,  ch.  XXV. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     FcEPUBLICANISM.  275 

composed  of  children  and  adults,  as  above  described,  that 
Christ  gave  the  ministry,  oracles,  and  ordinances.  We 
believe  that  it  was  for  the  gathering  and  perfecting  of  the 
saints,  and  not  for  their  own  honor,  emolument,  or  dig- 
nity, this  ministry  was  instituted ;  and  that  it  is  by  no 
power,  sanctity,  or  priestly  mediation  on  their  part,  but  by 
Christ's  presence  and  Spirit,  according  to  his  promise, 
these  ordinances  are  made  effectual  to  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  glorious  purpose,  of  uniting  all  saints  to 
Jesus  Christ  their  head.^  The  ministry  was  given  to  and 
for  the  church,  and  presupposes  its  existence ;  —  the 
church  was  not  ordained  for  the  benefit  and  glorification 
of  the  ministry.  All  the  power,  authority,  jurisdiction,  and 
influence  of  the  ministry,  come  to  it  therefore  through  the 
church  —  the  body  —  according  to  the  appointment  of 
Christ  the  Head.  The  ordinary  and  perpetual  officers  of 
the  church,  are  therefore  only  bishops  or  pastors ;  the 
ruling  elders ;  and  deacons.  But  each  one  of  these  has 
exclusive  reference  to  the  edification  and  welfare  of  the 
christian  people.  Bishops,  by  whatever  title  they  are 
denominated,  or  their  duties  characterized,  are  the  over- 
seers, pastors,  ministers,  messengers,  of  the  people,  depu- 
ted by  Christ  to  dispense  to  them  the  manifold  grace  of 
God,  and  to  act,  for  them,  as  stewards  of  the  m^^steries  of 
his  kingdom.  Ruling  elders  are  the  representatives  of 
the  people,  chosen  by  them,  and  set  apart  to  watch  over 
their  interests  in  conjunction  with  the  pastors.  While 
deacons  have  no  other  duties  than  to  take  care  of  the  poor, 
to  distribute  among  them  collections  raised  for  their  use, 
and  to  superintend  the  temporal  affairs  of  the  church. 

Now  it  is  manifest,  that  wheresoever  God  by  his  Spirit 
gathers  together  a  congregation  of  faithful  men,  to  profess 
the  truth,  and  to  submit  themselves  to  his  ordinances, 
there  may  these  officers  be  easily  and  certainly  obtained. 

*  Conf.  of  Faith,  ch.  xxv. 


276  ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM. 

If  no  regularly  constituted  body  is  at  hand  to  provide  them 
with  a  bishop,  they  can  elect  one  of  their  number,  after 
seeking  guidance  from  on  high,  to  minister  unto  them  in 
holy  things.  They  can  as  certainly  choose  out  from 
among  themselves  holy  and  competent  men  to  act  for 
them  as  their  elders  and  deacons.  And  thus  does  it 
appear  how  Christianity,  as  described  in  the  Bible,  and  de- 
veloped in  presbyterianism,  is  at  once  capable  of  extension 
to  the  widest  circumference  of  humanity,  and  how  it  con- 
tains within  itself  the  germinant  principles  of  vitality, 
diffusion,  unity,  and  universality. 

The  catholic  character  of  the  presbyterian  church,  con- 
sidered as  an  ecclesiastical  system,  is  thus  seen  in  her 
constitution.  She  does  not  proclaim  herself  to  be  '  the 
church,'  or  'the  catholic  church,'  but  to  be  a  component 
part  of  that  universal  church,  of  which  there  can  be  but 
one,  the  aggregate  of  all.  Wherever  there  are  true 
christians,  there  is  the  church,  and  there  are  members  of 
the  universal  or  catholic  church.  Christian  unity,  therefore, 
is  to  be  found  not  in  any  uniformity  of  outward  order,  or 
subjection  to  any  external  authority,  but  in  the  participa- 
tion of  '  the  one  spirit,'  of  '  the  one  baptism,'  by  which 
all  are  initiated  into  it,  and  of  •'  the  one  faith.'*  There 
must,  of  necessity,  be  local  and  national  divisions,  and 
parties.  While  the  family  of  man  is  locally  divided,  there 
must  be  '  different  provincial  and  local  churches.'!  There 
cannot,  therefore,  be  visible  union.  But  there  may  be 
unity  among  these  separate  denominations,  even  where 
there  cannot  be  a  consolidated  ecclesiastical  government; 
just  as  our  division  into  families,  districts,  and  states,  does 
not  prevent  our  national  union  as  a  republic.  We  do  not 
lose  our  individuality  or  independent  sovereignty,  in  any' 
of  these  respects,  by  our  confederation  for  the  advance- 

*Eph.  4:  IG.     See   Nolan's  Cath.   Char,  of  Christ,  pp.  SI,  97,  99. 
Also  pp.  90-94. 
t  Mr.  Siblhorp's  Letter,  p.  25. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  277 

ment  of  interests  common  to  all  alike.  And  in  like  man- 
ner, we  do  not  cease  to  be  christian,  and  therefore  catholic 
when  we  become  presbyterian,  ormethodist,  or  any  other 
essentially  scriptural  denomination. 

Presbyterians    do   not,  however,  regard  ecclesiastical 
government  as  a  matter  of  indifference.*  '  On  the  contrary, 
it  has  a  close  connection  with  purity  of  doctrine,  rigor  of 
discipline,  peace  and  order.     Every  society,   then,  and 
every  individual,  as  he  has  opportunity,  is  bound  to  make 
the  principles  of  ecclesiastical  polity,  laid  down  in  the 
New  Testament,  a  subject  of  careful  examination.     AH 
forms  of  church  government  are  to  be  compared  with  the 
standard  of  truth,  and  that  particular  one  adopted  which 
comes  nearest  to  the   principles  contained  in  the  Holy 
Scriptures.'     *  But  when  it  is  said  that  the  constitution  of 
the  church  has  been  drawn  up  in  the  scriptures,  it  is  not 
meant  that  this  is  done  in  a  regular  and  formal  way,  as 
in  ordinary  constitutions.     All  that  is  done  in  the  New 
Testament,   is   the  laying   down  of  fundamental  princi- 
ples ;  the  particular  form  and  application  of  which  is  left 
to  the  church.     The  true  spirit  of  these  principles  must 
never   be   violated;    but   under  this  restriction  there  is 
some  latitude,  which  may  bring  societies  of  different  forms 
within  the  pale  of  the   universal  church.     If  this  is  not 
admitted,  we  must  cut  off  from  the  church,  and  from  the 
covenanted  mercies  of  God,  societies  of  all  the  different 
forms  except  one  —  and  the  difficult  question  must  be 
decided  which  one  is  tliat?     Every  different  denomina- 
tion will  maintain,  in  this  case,  its  apostolical  purity,  and 
excommunicate  every  other.     Thus  the  bond  of  brother- 
hood will  be  broken  asunder,  and  the  reproach  of  Chris- 
tianity will  be  perpetuated.       The  presbyterian  church  in 
the  United  States  has  determined,  that  this  evil  shall  not 

*Dr.  Rice,  in  Evang.  Mag.  ix.  306,  307. 
24 


278  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

Stain  her  escutcheon.     'Let  brotherly  love  continue,'  is 
the  motto  on  her  banner  I  '^ 

Such  is  presbyterianism.  It  is  a  stand  for  the  suffi- 
ciency of  Scripture,  and  the  supremacy  of  Christ ;  for 
liberty  of  private  judgment,  and  of  individual  practice  ;  for 
the  recognition  of  all  as  christian  brethren,  '  who  hold 
the  Head ;'  for  mutual  tolerance  in  matters  of  secondary 
importance,  where  there  is  unity  in  that  which  is  essen- 
tial ;  for  that  universal  communion  of  all  christians,  which 
is  the  only  substantial,  visible,  and  possible  unity ;  and  the 
unrestricted  intercourse  of  ministers  and  churches,  not- 
withstanding their  diversity  in  forms  and  ceremonies. 
To  make  uniformity  of  disciphne,  the  measure  of  chris- 
tian unity,  and  the  basis  of  christian  communion  and  fel- 
lowship, is  to  put  church  order  in  the  place  of  Christianity, 
and  the  form  of  the  building  in  the  place  of  Him  who 
built  it.  '  Christ  must  be  first,  fellowship  next,  and  then 
as  much  uniformity  as  will  follow  from  the  two.'  This  is 
the  principle  and  the  spirit  of  presbyterianism;  *and  hence, 
instead  of  being  schismatical,  it  has  less  of  sectarianism, 
and  more  of  catholicity,  than  any  other  system  whatever.'! 
While  we  claim  for  our  own  order  and  polity  a  near  con- 
formity -to  the  scriptural  platform,  we  nevertheless  hold 
that  in  those  things  that  essentially  belong  to  divine  wor- 
ship, all  real  christians  are  agreed,  and  that  in  those 
things  which  appertain  essentially  to  the  nature  of  church 
discipline,  all  denominations  concur.  If  outward  unifor- 
mity be  the  chief  good,  let  it  be  sought  in  Romanism. 
There  may  the  inquirer  find  quiet  silence,  and  the  most 
passive  obedience.  But  the  man  who  is  distracted  by 
the  bustling  activities  and  jarring  interests  of  the  living 

*  See  Form  of  Govt.  ch.  i.  5.     Also  in  her  Confession  of  Faith,  ch. 
XX vi.  2. 
t  See  Binney's  Dissent  not  Schism,  p.  70. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  279 

world,  may  find  as  reasonable  a  retreat  in  the  cliiirch- 
yard,  or  the  sepulchre.      The  dead  are  quiet  enough.* 

Our  very  name,  for  we  have  none  other  than  christian, 
manifests  our  catholicity.  We  are  presbyterians  only 
from  our  position  and  circumstances,  as  we  protest 
against  those  who  usurp  the  rights  of  presbyters,  and 
enthrone  themselves  over  them  in  despotic  supremacy. 
This  title  we  bear  in  our  modern  reformation,  as  a  public 
attestation  to  the  truth,  that  the  true,  original,  and  apos- 
tolic episcopacy,  was  presbytery.  But  we  are  not  pres- 
byterians, except  as  a  part  of  our  character  is  put  for  the 
whole,  — we  are  presbyterian  christians.  We  are  in  short 
presbyterian,  because  we  are  bible  and  apostolic  chris- 
tians. We  are  not  even  catholics,  a  name  appropriated 
by  every  sect,  as  by  the  ancient  Arians  ;  by  the  Greek 
church,  and  by  the  Donatists  ;  and  a  title  which  could  not 
have  been  applied  to  the  christian  church,  until,  by  her 
extension,  the  christian  faith  had  been  generally  if  not 
universally  preached  throughout  the  world.  In  the  begin- 
ning, therefore,  as  some  Romanists  confess,  the  church 
was  not  called  catholic,  while  many  of  those  bodies 
which  were  afterwards  known  by  this  title  are  now 
adjudged  to  be  guilty  of  schism  and  heresy.f  We  l)ear  the 
names  of  no  earthly  leaders,  as  the  Lutherans,  Zuingli- 
ans,  Arminians,  Benedictines,  Franciscans,  Dominicans, 

=* '  With  as  good  a  plea,'  says  Milton,  (Reason  of  Ch.  Govt.  Wks.  vol. 
i.  p.  103,)  '  might  the  dead  palsy  boast  to  a  man,  it  is  I  that  free  you 
from  stitches  and  pains,  and  the  troublesome  feeling  of  cold  and  heat, 
of  wounds  and  strokes;  if  I  were  gone,  all  these  would  molest  you. 
The  winter  might  as  well  vaunt  itself  against  the  spring,  I  destroy 
all  noisome,  and  rank  weeds,  I  keep  down  all  pestilent  vapors;  yes, 
and  all  wholesome  herbs,  and  all  fresh  dews,  by  your  violent  and  hide- 
bound frost ;  but  when  the  gentle  west  winds  shall  open  the  fruitful 
bosom  of  the  earth,  thus  overgirded  by  your  imprisonment,  then  the 
flowers  put  forth  and  spring,  and  then  the  sun  shall  scatter  the  mists, 
and  the  manuring  hand  of  the  tiller  shall  root  up  all  that  burdens  the 
soil,  without  thank  to  your  bondage.'  See  also  Herschel's  Letter  to 
Sibthorp,  p.  38. 

t  See  Notes  of  the  Ch.  Examined,  pp.  73,  75. 


280  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

Jansenists,  Molinists,  and  Papists ;  nor  are  we  denomi- 
nated, from  any  earthly  country  or  kingdom,  as  the 
Roman,  or  the  Anghcan  churches.  One  is  our  master, 
even  Christ.  Our  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world,  nor  our 
doctrine  of  man,  and  therefore  do  we  bear  Christ's  name, 
as  did  the  disciples  at  Antioch ;  while  at  the  same  time, 
we  are  not  unwilling  to  hold  forth  our  specific  distinction 
amid  the  other  branches  of  the  church,  and  to  be  called 
The  Church  Presbyterian.  Christian  is  our  name,  and 
presbyterian  our  sirname. 

Even,  however,  as  presbyterian,  we  can  present  the 
most  irrefragable  arguments  for  our  true  catholicity. 
Does  Cathohcity  imply  priority  ?  Dr.  Edwards,*  a  very 
learned  episcopalian  divine  of  the  reign  of  Queen 
Anne,t  after  a  careful  examination  of  the  several  texts 
bearing  on  the  subject,  draws  the  following  conclu- 
sion :  '  thus  we  can  show  the  time  when  we  are  sure 

THERE  WAS  A  PRESBYTERY  ;  BUT  WE  CAn't  SAY  THERE  WAS 
EPISCOPACY   at  THAT    TIME    IN   THE   CHURCH.       Tllis    is   OWH- 

ed  by  some  of  the  most  celebrated  writers  of  our  church; 
and  even  Mr.  Dodwell,  who  was  thought  by  his  friends 
to  be  as  able  a  defender  of  episcopacy  as  any  they  had, 
confesses  there  were  no  such  fixed  rulers  as  bishops  in 
the  church  at  first.  (De  Jure  Laic.  cap.  3,  §  14.)  Dr. 
Whitby  shows  the  same,  and  is  as  large  in  the  proof  of  it, 
(Ann.  on  1  Thess.  ch.  5.)  Dr.  Edwards  then  goes  on  to  chas- 
tise a  confident  braggadocio,  the  author  of  the  *  Rehear- 
sal,' and  asks,  '  where,  then,  is  our  great  boaster,  who 
challenges  all  mankind  to  prove  that  presbyters  were 
made  before  bishops  ?  Is  it  not  plain,  from  all  the  afore- 
cited scriptures,  namely.  Acts  11:  29,  30;  Acts  14:  23; 
Acts  15  :  2,  4, 6,  22,  23  ;  Acts  16:4;  Acts  20 :  17,  28  ;  and 
Titus,  1:5;  James,  5 :  4 ;  1  Peter,  5:1;  and  the  suffrage 
of  episcopal  writers  themselves,  that  presbyters  had  the 


*  See  in  Lect.  in  Apost.  Succ.  p.  136. 
t  Theolog.  Ref.  vol.  i.  p.  523. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  281 

start  of  bishops,  whatever  this  pretender  makes  a  show 
of,  and  notwithstanding  his  telling  us,  that  this  is  the  single 
point  on  which  the  whole  controversy  depends  ?  If  it  be 
so,  he  must  own  himself  baffled,  and  all  his  pretensions 
are  empty  and  insignificant.' 

Does  catholicity  imply  apostolicity  ?  Every  church,  as 
we  have  seen,  constituted  by  the  apostles,  was  presbyte- 
rian.  Does  it  imply  universality  ?  We  challenge  the  pro- 
duction of  a  diocesan  church  or  bishop,  for  more  than  two 
centuries,  perhaps  we  might  say  three,  of  the  christian 
era.  Does  it  imply  continued  succession  from  the  apos- 
tles ?  No  one  has  ever  questioned  the  uninterrupted  suc- 
cession from  the  apostles'  time  till  now,  of  the  order  of 
presbyters.  Does  it  imply  uniformity  ?  On  this  point  of 
presbyterian  order,  all  those  have  agreed,  who  in  every  age 
have  maintained  the  gospel  pure,  entire,  and  uncorrupted. 
Does  it  imply  majority  in  the  votes  of  all  existing  christian 
bodies  ?  Four  fifths  of  all  these  go  for  presbyterianism,  and 
against  the  exclusive  assumptions  of  the  Romish  hierar- 
chy.* 

On  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  shown,  that  the  Romish 
church  is  not  catholic  ;  that  in  those  very  points  in  which 
she  places  most  confidence,  she  is  identified  with  '  the  man 
of  sin  and  mystery  of  iniquity,'  and  that,  in  her  opposition 
and  contumelies,  we  have  the  brightest  evidence  of  our 
catholicity.  The  church  of  Rome,  says  bishop  Bull,t 
has  quite  altered  the  primitive  ecclesiastical  government, 
changed  the  primitive  canon  or  rule  of  faith,  and  miser- 
ably corrupted  the  primitive  liturgy,  or  form  of  divine  wor- 
ship. '  I  have,'  says  he, '  gone  through  the  several  heads 
of  discourse  which  I  proposed  to  myself,  and  sufficiently,  I 


*  See  Presbytery  and  not  Prelacy  the  Scriptural  and  Primitive 
Polity. 

t  Corruptions  of  the  Ch.  of  Rome,  II,  in  Vind.  of  Ch.  of  Eng.pp.  159, 
163,243,261. 

24* 


282  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM, 

think,  proved,  that  the  church  of  Rome  hath  altered  the 
primitive  ecclesiastical  government;  changed  the  primi- 
tive canon  or  rule  of  faith  ;  and,  lastly,  miserably  corrupt- 
ed the  primitive  liturgy  and  form  of  divine  worship.  For 
these  reasons  laid  together,  I  can  never  be  induced  to  en- 
ter into  the  communion  of  the  Roman  church,  as  now  it  is  ; 
and  for  the  same  reason,  (to  speak  my  mind  freely,)  I  won- 
der how  so  learned  a  man  as  Monsieur  de  Meaux,  can, 
with  a  good  and  quiet  conscience,  continue  in  it.' 

Now,  what  bishop  Bull  has  proved  by  the  full  establish- 
ment of  these  charges  against  the  church  of  Rome,  has 
also,  we  believe,  been  made  good  against  the  prelacy  in 
the  present  and  preceding  works.  By  the  introduction  of 
her  spiritual  despotism,  by  making  her  bishops  governors 
of  the  whole  church,  and  all  other  pastors  to  be  but  their 
vicars  and  substitutes,  she,  too,  has  quite  altered  the  prim- 
itive ecclesiastical  government.  By  binding  upon  the 
church  a  stated  liturgy,  by  introducing  prayers  for  the  dead, 
and  by  re-adopting  many  of  the  forms,  rites,  and  ceremo- 
nies of  the  Romish  church,  derived  through  her  from  pa- 
ganism, she  has  greatly  perverted  the  apostolic  form  of 
worship.  And  as  that  church  which  has  altered  the  ec- 
clesiastical government  and  form  of  worship  prescribed  by 
the  apostles,  either  by  adding  to,  or  by  taking  from  them, 
cannot,  so  far  forth,  be  a  true,  pure,  apostolical,  and  cath- 
olic church,  therefore  must  we  exclude  the  papacy  and  the 
prelacy  from  the  full  application  of  this  term.  Whereas^ 
the  presbyterian  church,  abiding  as  she  does,  in  all  things, 
by  the  model  of  the  apostolic  churches,  and  by  their  form 
and  order  of  worship,  is  truly  catholic. 

Again,  is  all  christian  unity  centred  in  Christ,  the  head 
of  the  entire  body  of  the  Church  ?  —  then  is  that  catholic- 
ity wanting  in  the  papacy,  which  makes  the  pope  or  a  gen- 
eral council,  the  head  and  centre  of  all  churches, —  then 
is  that  catholicity  found  in  presbyterianism  which  main- 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  283 

tains  that '  there  is  no  other  head  of  the  church  but  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  nor  can  the  pope  of  Ftome,  in  any  sense,  be 
head  thereof.'^      Is  the   cementing   bond   of  catholicity 
derived  from  that  *  One    Spirit,'  which  is  '  the    Spirit  of 
Christ,'  and  of  which,  through  Him,  all  the  members  of  the 
church  are  made  partakers  ? —  then  is  not  the  papacy  or 
the  prelacy  catholic,  since  they  teach  us  to  find  this  bond 
of  unity  in  the  pope  or  the  prelates  ;  then  is  the  presbyte- 
rian  church  catholic,  since  it  teaches  that  Christ '  doth  by 
his  own  presence   and  Spirit,  according  to  his  promise, 
make  the  ministry,  ordinances,  and  oracles  of  God  effect- 
ual to  the  gathering  and  perfecting  of  the  saints.'t     Does 
catholicity  require  that  the  truth,  w^hich  is  the  nourish- 
ment of  the  church,  should  be  equally  open  to  all  ?     Then 
is  it  not  found  in  the  Romish  or  prelatic  churches,  which 
shut  it  up  in  the  granaries  of  their  own  ecclesiastical  tra- 
ditions and  priestly  interpretation ;  but  in  the  presbyterian 
church,  which  teaches  that  '  God's  word  is  truth,'  that  '  all 
scripture  is  profitable  for  doctrine,  for  reproof,  for  correc- 
tion, that  men  of  God  may  be  thoroughly  furnished  unto 
every  good  work ; '  and  which  invites  all  to  *  search  the 
scriptures,'  and  to  eat  '  the  living  bread.'     Does  catholici- 
ty demand  a  ritual,  adapted  to  all  classes  and  conditions 
of  men,  and  in  their  native  tongue,  so  that  all  may  learn 
in  their  own  language,  the  wonderful  works  of  God  ?  — 
then,  surely,  it  is  not  found  in  prelacy,  which  is  adapted 
only  to  the  educated  classes  of  society ;  t  nor  in  popery, 
which  makes  '  ignorance  the  mother  of  devotion,'  and  an 
unknown  tongue  the  vehicle  of  instruction ;  but  in  presby- 
tery, which  comprehends  in  its  wide  embrace  all  nations, 
all  ages,  all  conditions,  and  adapts  itself  with  facility  to  ev- 
ery modification  of  the  human  mind,  and  to  every  stage  of 
civilization  and  refinement,  and  which  proclaims  to  every 

*  Conf.  of  Faith,  ch.xxv.  sect  6. 

t  Ibid,  sect.  3. 

J  Lond.  Quart.  Rev.  Dec.  1839,  p.  75. 


284  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

man,  in  his  own  vernacular  language,  the  glorious  gospel 
of  the  grace  of  God.  Does  catholicity  imply  the  necessi- 
ty of  ordinances  which  depend,  not  upon  the  technical  va- 
lidity of  official  administration,  or  the  good  pleasure  of  a 
prelatic  aristocracy,  but  upon  the  operation  of  that  one  and 
the  self-same  Spirit,  which  is  imparted  alike  to  all  ?  — 
then  can  it  never  be  found  in  the  opus  operatum  sacra- 
ments of  men,  but  in  the  simple  ordinances  of  heaven. 
Does  catholicity  further  suppose  the  most  perfect  adap- 
tation to  missionary  enterprise  ? —  '  the  prelacy,'  says  Rhe- 
nius,  'is  not  fitted  for  missionary  effort  ;*"  and  the  papacy, 
we  know,  has  only  succeeded  by  accommodating  itself  to 
the  kindred  superstitions  of  paganism ;  while  presbytery 
is,  by  its  very  constitution  and  design,  a  church  of  exten- 
sion, a  system  not  of  rules,  but  of  principles,  whose 
progress  has  been  sometimes  in  opposition  to  the  ruling 
powers,  sometimes  in  concurrence  with  them,  yet  always 
reaching  forth  from  sea  to  sea,  and  from  the  rivers  unto 
the  ends  of  the  earth.  Does  catholicity  also  necessarily 
involve  the  existence  of  some  common  rule  or  standard  of 
faith  and  practice,  a  rule  made  by  one  that  is  above  all, 
and  whose  authority  is  acknowledged  by  all,  and  which  is 
alike  open  to  all  ?  Such  a  rule  papists  have  not,  since 
they  have  heaped  together  whole  volumes  of  decrees  and 
councils  in  this  yet  unsettled  controversy ;  such  a  rule  pre- 
latists  have  not,  since  their  tradition  and  canons  cannot  be 
universally  known,  understood  or  read,  by  all ;  but  such  a 
rule  presbyterians  have,  *  in  holy  Scripture,  or  the  word  of 
God,  written  and  given  by  inspiration  of  God,  to  be  the 
rule  of  faith  and  life  ;  so  that  the  infallible  rule  of  interpre- 
tation of  scripture  is  scripture  itself 't  Finally,  does  cath- 
olicity require  a  catholic  governor  or  judge  in  all  contro- 
versies and  of  all  destinies? — we  find  it  not  in  the  unde- 


*  Churchman's  Monthly  Rev.  June,  1841,  pp.  342,  346. 
t  Conf.  of  Faith,  ch.  i. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  285 

termined  and  contradictory  decrees  of  discordant  popes, 
councils,  and  convocations;  — the  supreme  Jndge,  by  whom 
all  controversies  of  religion  are  to  be  determined,  and  all 
decrees  of  councils,  opinions  of  ancient  writers,  doctrines 
of  men,  and  private  spirits,  are  to  be  examined,  and  in 
whose  sentence  w^e  are  to  rest,  can  be  no  other,  as  our 
church  teaches,  but  the  Holy  Spirit  speaking  in  the  scrip- 
ture* 

The  follow^ing  sentiments  are  from  M.  de  Martin,  a  cel- 
ebrated Romanist.t  '  True  Christianity  is  not  only  anterior 
to  Catholicism,  but  also  to  the  name  of  Christianity  itself  . . . 
Christianity  is  the  domain  of  freedom  and  of  hberty  ;  ca- 
thohcism  is  only  the  seminary  of  Christianity ;  it  is  the  do- 
main of  the  rules  and  discipline  of  conversion Christian- 
ity fills  all  the  earth  equally  with  the  Spirit  of  God.  Ca- 
tholicism fills  only  one  part  of  the  globe Christianity  di- 
lates and  extends  the  use  of  our  intellectual  faculties. 
Catholicism  contracts  and  circumscribes  the  exercise  of 
these  same  faculties. . . .  Christianity  has  excited  no  war, 
except  against  sin :  Catholicism  has  excited  it  against  men, 
(fee' ...  *  Now,'  adds  M.  A^illers,  '  it  was  against  cathohcism 
(that  is,  Romanism,)  and  in  favor  of  true  Christianity,  that 
the  reform  was  undertaken.' 

What,  then,  let  us  ask,  are  the  boasted  vouchers  of  our 
assailants  for  their  claim  to  the  monopoly  of  divine  grace, 
and  of  all  catholicity  ?  Prelatists  are,  we  are  told,  the  most 
numerous  and  comprehensive  —  but  *  the  whore  sitteth  on 
many  waters,'  and  '  the  waters  are  peoples,  and  multitudes, 
and  nations,  and  tongues.'  They  are  the  most  powerful ; 
but '  the  great  city,  (that  is,  Babylon,)  reigneth  over  the 
kings  of  the  earth.'  They  are  patronized  by  kingly  and 
noble  favor  ;  — but  '  the  kings  of  the  earth  have  commit- 


*  Conf.  of  Faith,  ch.  i.  sect.  10.     See  Baxter's  Wks.  vol.  xvi.  pp.  .'^34, 
354. 
t  Le  Min.  de  rhomme  esprit,  in  Villers  on  the  Ref.  Lond.  1805,  p.  11. 


286  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

ted  fornication,  and  lived  deliciously  with  her.'  They 
manifest  unbroken  uniformity  and  unquestioning  obe- 
dience ;  — '  the  kingdom  of  the  beast  was  full  of  darkness.' 
They  proclaim  austerities,  penances,  fastings,  and  total 
abstinence  from  lawful  pleasures  ;  —  but  is  not  the  apos- 
tacy  described  by  '  forbidding  to  marry,  and  commanding 
to  abstain  from  meats,  which  God  hath  created  to  be  re- 
ceived with  thanksgiving?'  They  put  dov/n  the  liberty  of 
reason,  conscience,  and  individual  opinion  ;  —  that  is,  '  he 
as  God,  sitteth  in  the  temple  of  God,  showing  himself  that 
he  is  God.'  They  have  been  always  visible  in  the  glory, 
power,  and  pomp  of  hierarchical  splendor,  but  the  true 
church  '  fled  from  the  dragon  into  the  wilderness,  where 
she  hath  a  place  prepared  of  God.'  They  are  now  flushed 
with  the  hope  of  again  crushing  all  dissentients; — but 
'  power  is  given  to  the  beast  over  kindreds,  and  tongues, 
and  nations  ;  all  that  dwell  upon  the  earth  shall  worship 
him,'  but  '  the  remnant  of  the  woman's  seed  keep  the 
commandments  of  God,  and  have  the  testimony  of  Jesus 
Christ.'  There  stands  the  system  in  the  prophetic  mirror 
of  the  unerring  word,  and  by  this  word  is  it  judged,  con- 
victed, and  condemned.^ 

Are  we  every  where  spoken  against,  as  heretical  and 
schismatical  ?  We  may  remember,  to  our  great  comfort 
and  joy,  of  what  church  our  Saviour  said,  that  they  should 
be  reviled  and  reproached,  and  have  all  manner  of  evil 
said  against  them,  and  how  literally  these  predicted  say- 
ings were  fulfilled  in  the  experience  of  the  apostolic 
churches.!  Luke  6  :  26,  22  :  23.  1  Pet.  4  :  14.  Math.  5  : 
11.   1  Cor.  1:  23. 

*  See  Hamilton  on  Missions,  pp.  117,  119,  141. 

t  '  As  for  those  terrible  names  of  sectaries  and  schismatics,  (Milton's 
Wks.  vol.  i.  pp.  104,  105.)  which  ye  have  got  together,  we  know  your 
manner  of  fight ;  when  the  quiver  of  your  arguments,  which  is  ever 
thin,  and  weakly  stored,  after  the  first  brunt  is  quite  empty,  your  course 
is  to  betake  ye  to  your  other  quiver,  of  slander,  wherein  lies  your  best 
archery.' 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  287 

The  apostles  and  primitive  christians,  says  Dr.  Rice, 
were  dissenters,  in  the  fullest  sense  of  that  term  ;  and  were 
treated,  both  by  Jews  and  Gentiles,  as  hardly  as  any  high 
churchmen  have  ever  treated  those  who  have  borne  the 
name  in  modern  times. '"^ 

Take  the  word  catholic,  therefore,  in  its  primary  mean- 
ing in  application  to  the  church,  as  'consisting  of  all' 
nations,  and  the  presbyterian  church  is  most  evidently 
catholic,  since  it  opens  its  arms  to  embrace  all,  of  all 
nations,  whether  Jew  or  Gentile,  who  will  enter  into  it. 
Take  the  term  catholic  in  that  sense  in  which  it  is  de- 
scriptive of  the  church,  considered  as  the  union  of  all 
particular  churches  under  one  divine  Head,  for  so,  '  says 
bishop  Sherlock,  the  catholic  church  signifies  in  ancient 
writers,'!  and  how  loudly  does  the  presbyterian  church 
proclaim  her  catholicity  in  that  protest  which  she  enters 
against  any  exclusive  appropriation  of  the  blessings  of 
salvation  ;  in  that  liberality  of  feeling,  with  which  she 
fraternizes  with  all  who  love  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  in 
truth  and  sincerity ;  and  in  that  claim  which  she  ad- 
vances, to  be  recognised  as  a  branch  of  the  one,  Holy, 
Catholic,  and  Apostolic  Church. 


SECTION     II  . 

The  catholicity  of  presbytery,  in  its  doctrinal  system,  in 
contrast  xcith  popery  and  prelacy.  . 

We  have  now  considered  the  claim  of  the  presbyterian 
church  to  the  character  of  catholicity,  considered  in  its 

*  Evang.  and  Lit  Mag.  vol.  ix.  p.  421, 
t  See  in  do.  p.  14. 


288  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

ecclesiastical  system ;  but  this  aj)plication  of  the  term 
catholic,  though  now  the  most  essential  in  hierarchical 
vocabularies,  was,  in  the  view  of  that  very  antiquity,  which 
is  gifted  by  them  w4th  infallibility,  a  subordinate  and  un- 
dervalued signification.  According  to  antiquity,  the  church 
is  distinguished  as  catholic  by  its  faith,  as  particular  by  its 
form  of  government.  '  Wherever,'  says  Ignatius,  '  Ciirist 
is,  there  is  the  catholic  church.'^  He  defines  a  church  by 
its  form  of  government,  but  tlie  catholic  church  by  consent 
of  doctrine.!  The  language  of  TertuUian  is  equally  def- 
inite.$  Augustine,^  in  his  questions  on  Matthew,  says, 
'  These  are  good  catholics,  who  follow  the  entire  faith  and 
a  good  practice.' 

The  term  catholic,  therefore,  has  nothing  to  do  with 
ages  and  nations,  but  an  individual  is  catholic,  and  a  church 
is  catholic,  that  adheres  to  the  gerieral  rule  of  ifaith,  adoring 
one  Lord,  observing  one  baptism,  and  holding  to  one  doc- 
trine. A  church  which  has  maintained  such  a  profession  for 
eighteen  centuries,  and  in  all  nations,  is  not  more  catholic 
than  was  the  church  of  Jerusalem  in  the  first  century,  and 
in  the  province  of  Judea,  or  than  is  some  presbyterian 
church  in  the  nineteenth  century,  and  in  some  remote 
locality. II  True  catholicity  is  therefore  synonymous  with 
orthodoxy. 

The  last  claimant  to  its  possession,  comes  to  it  under 
the  same  conditions  required  of  its  first  inheritor.  Prela- 
tional  dignity  can  give  no  right,  nor  length  of  succession 
any  prescription,  against  '  the  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus.'  The 
first  and  the  last  hold  by  the  same  tenure.  Catholicity 
where  there  is  not  divine  truth,  is  an  absurdity,  and  divine 


*  Ep.  ad  Smyrn.  §  8. 

t  See  Burgess's  Tracts,  p.  275,  and  Ad.  Trail.  ^  3. 

X  De  Baptismo,  c.  xvii.  See  above.  That  the  fathers  commonly 
used  the  term  in  the  sense  of  orthodox,  see  bishop  Beverid<je's  Wks. 
vol.  ii.  p.  107.     Sherlock,  in  Notes  of  the  Ch.  Exam.  p.  13. 

§  In  Blair's  Wald.  vol.  ii.  p.  5-24. 

II  See  Burgess,  as  above,  p.  293. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  289 

truth  without  cathohcity,  is  equally  preposterous.  To 
assert  the  contrary  is  blasphemy.  A  hierarchy  may  claim, 
or  a  prelatical  succession  boast  of,  the  character  of  catho- 
licity, but  a  church '  holding  forth  the  truth,'can  alone  derive 
the  title  from  the  God  of  truth.  And  to  suppose  that  catho- 
licity is  withheld  from  such  a  church,  or  given  to  any  other 
body,  is  absurd  impiety,  and  a  contradiction  in  terms.  As 
nobility  in  some  countries,  as  in  China,  mounts  upwards, 
so  that  he  who  has  it  conferred  upon  him  ennobles  his 
ancestors,  not  his  posterity,  so  does  the  steadfast  profession 
of  the  true  doctrines  of  scripture,  impart  the  character  of 
catholicity  to  all  who  hold  it,  and  to  all  their  spiritual  an- 
cestry. Prelatists,  therefore,  use  the  word  catholic  in  a 
sense,  directly  opposed  to  );hat  given  to  it  by  the  Anglican 
and  other  reformers.=^ 

That  church,  then,  which  adds  to  or  takes  from  the  faith 
as  once  delivered  to  the  saints,  so  far  forth  ceases  to  be 
catholic.  Now  the  Romish  and  Anglican  churches  have 
altered  the  scriptural  rule  of  faith.  This  they  have  done 
by  adding  many  new  articles  ;  by  adding  to  the  catholic 
rule  of  faith  one  entirely  different,  even  the  trgditions  and 
authority  of  the  church ;  and  by  explaining  articles  in 
that  catholic  creed,  in  a  new,  sectarian,  and  uncatholic 
sense.!  That  these  churches  hold  such  articles  of  faith 
as  are  additional,  not  to  say  contradictory,  to  the  catholic 
rule,  we  must  now  assume  as  having  been  abundantly 
demonstrated,  and  at  once  apparent.^  For  that  church 
which  holds  to  the  Apostles'  creed  and  the  Mcene  creed, 
holds  those  truths  which,  by  consent  of  all  christians,  in 
the  first  ages  of  the  church,  were  alone  fundamental,  and 


*  See  Groode's  Div.  Rule  of  Faith,  vol.  i.  xii. 

t  See  this  charge  fully  sustained  by  bishop  Bull,  in  his  Vindication 
of  the  Ch.  of  Engl.  (Oxf  ed.)  pp.  112-114,  113,  114-117,  123,  149, 
167,  216. 

X  See  bishop  Bull,  ibid,  pp.  121,  178,  183,  186,  192,  202.  204,  219, 
230. 

25 


290  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

therefore  catholic.  These  constituted  for  ages  the  sym- 
bols or  formularies  of  the  church  catholic.  This  position 
is  fully  sustained  by  our  opponents,  and  established  by 
their  own  antiquity.  Thus  the  third  general  council,  that 
of  Ephesus,  decreed,^  *  that  it  should  not  be  lawful  for  any 
one  to  produce,  write,  or  compose  any  other  creed  besides 
that  which  was  agreed  on  and  defined  by  the  holy  fathers, 
who  were  met  together  at  Nice,  by  the  Holy  Spirit ;  and 
those  who  should  dare  to  compose,  produce,  or  offer  any 
other  creed  to  such  as  desired  to  return  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  truth,  from  Paganism,  Judaism,  or  any  heresy  what- 
soever, should,  if  bishops,  be  deposed  from  their  epis- 
copal throne ;  if  inferior  clergymen,  deprived  of  holy 
orders  ;  if  laymen,  excommunicated,  or  cast  out  of  the 
church.'t  The  whole  canon  is  remarkable,  and  very  much 
to  our  purpose  ;  but  we  are  especially  to  observe  those 
words,  *  or  from  any  heresy  whatsoever.'  For  hereby  the 
Ephesian  Fathers  declare, '  that  if  any  person  was  charged 
with  any  kind  of  beresy  whatsoever,  he  should  sufficiently 
purge  himself  by  the  acknowledgement  of  the  aforesaid 
creed  ;  and  that  upon  his  subscription  thereunto,  or  pro- 
fession thereof,  he  should  be  absolved,  and  received  into 
the  communion  of  the  church  as  a  complete  and  perfect 
catholic  ;  and  that  whoever  should  propose  to  such  a  per- 
son, any  thing  else  to  be  believed,  as  a  necessary  condi- 
tion of  ecclesiastical  communion,  should  himself  be  liable 
to  the  censure  of  the  church.' 

This  position,  so  clearly  assumed  by  antiquity,  is  sus- 
tained not  only  by  prelatists  generally,  but  by  the  Council 
of  Trent  itself  $  '  In  their  third  session,  before  they  come 
to  define  any  one  particular  article,  they  declare  it  neces- 
sary, after  the  pattern  (forsooth)  of  the  ancient  Fathers 

*  See  bishop  Bull,  ibid,  pp.  104,  105. 

t  See  in  ibid,  pp.  113,  114,  and  Cummings's  Apol.  for  Ch.  of  Scotl. 
p.  7. 

J  Bishop  Bull,  ibid,  pp.  116,  117. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  291 

and  Councils,  (whom  they  have  miitated  not  half  so  well 
as  an  ape  doth  a  man,)  to  premise  the  symbol,  or  rule  of 
faith,  used  in  the  holy  church  of  Rome,  (which  is  indeed 
the  creed  of  Constantinople,)  and  beginning  with  these 
words,  '  I  believe  in  one  God,'  and  this  creed  they  judge 
necessary  to  be  in  so  many  express  words  professed  by 
their  whole  assembly,  as  '  the  principle  wherein  all  chris- 
tians, that  profess  the  faith  of  Christ,  do  necessarily  agree  ; 
and  the  only  firm  foundation,  against  which  the  gates  of 
hell  shall  never  prevail.'  Where,  when  they  profess  this 
creed  to  be  the  principle,  wherein  all  christians  do  '  neces- 
sarily agree,'  they  plainly  intimate,  (if  we  poor  protestants 
may  presume  to  understand  their  meaning  by  their  words,) 
that  there  is  no  absolute  necessity  that  all  christians  should 
agree  in  other  things.  But  their  following  words  are  ex- 
press, wherein  they  acknowledge  this  creed  to  be  '  the 
only  foundation,'  and,  consequently,  that  nothing  is  to  be 
laid  as  a  foundation  beside ;  nay,  that  this  creed  is  *  the 
only  firm  foundation,  against  which  the  gates  of  hell  shall 
never  prevail.'  For  who  would  not  here  conclude,  that, 
(by  the  confession  of  the  Trent  fathers  themselves)  who- 
soever fixeth  his  feet  upon  this  foundation,  and  departeth 
not  from  any  one  article  contained  in  this  creed,  stands 
sure,  as  to  all  points  of  faith,  and  is  in  no  danger  at  all  of 
damnation,  or  hell-fire,  upon  the  account  of  heresy  ? ' 

'  They  are  true  catholics,  says  Vincentius,  in  his  famous 
rule,  '  who  hold  that  which  hath  been  beheved  always, 
every  Avhere,  and  by  all.*  Now  what  more  we  ask,  as  it 
regards  the  evidence  of  catholicity,  what  more  can  be 
demanded,  than  the  articles  contained  in  these  early 
creeds  ?  When  we  say  nothing,  we  give  the  response  of 
very  high  authorities  in  this  matter.! 


=*  Commonitorium.  Eos  proprie  esse  Catholicos,  qui  tenent  id,  quod 
semper,  &c.  creditum  est. 

t  See  bishop  Williams,  in  Notes  of  the  Ch.  p.  116  ;  Newman  on  Ro- 
manism and  Dissent,  passim. 


292  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

The  Romish  and  prelatic  chnrches  have,  however,  im- 
measurably widened  the  foundations  of  cathoUcity,  and 
by  widening  have  adapted  them  to  the  measure  of  their 
own  sectarian  and  bigoted  exclusiveness.  For,  to  use  the 
words  of  bishop  Bull,"^  '  how  prodigally  doth  this  pack  of 
bold  and  presumptuous  men  bestow  their  anathemas ; 
thundering  out  hell  and  damnation  to  millions  of  pious 
souls,  who  stand  firmly  upon  this  only  firm  foundation,  and 
cannot  be  proved  to  have  denied  any  one  point  reducible 
or  deducible  from  any  article  of  the  rule  of  faith.' 

And  how  well  has  the  Anglican  prelacy  bettered  the 
instructions  of  her  '  holy  mother,'  by  her  un catholic  and 
unrighteous  decrees,  canons,  impositions,  and  anathemas  ; 
and  driven  from  her  bosom  the  millions  that  have  come 
out  from  the  midst  of  her,  and  who  still  protest  against 
her  tyrannous  usurpation  of  the  prerogatives  of  Christ. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  presbyterian  church  holds  firmly 
to  this  ancient  and  catholic  foundation  of  the  faith.  It  is 
embodied  in  her  confession  ;t  it  is  made  the  basis  of  her 
definition,  in  the  widest  possible  comprehension,  of  the 
visible  catholic  church  ;t  and  at  no  time  have  these  doc- 
trines, or  any  of  them,  been  disowned  or  called  in  ques- 
tion by  any  public  act  of  the  entire  body  professing  her 
principles.  In  fact  the  Apostles',  the  Nicene,  and  the 
Athanasian  creeds  are,  the  first  verbatim,  and  the  other 
two  substantially,  adopted  by  the  presbyterian  church.^ 
And  while  for  the  guidance  of  her  own  bishops  and  officers, 
our  church  has  drawn  forth  other  articles  from  the  Scrip- 
tures, as  the  bond  of  their  union,  and  a  declaration  to  the 
people,ll  she  does  not  make  these  a  term  of  church  com- 

*  See  bishop  Williams,  ibid,  pp.  117,  US 

t  See  ibid,  p.  398. 

\  Conf.  of  Faith,  ch.  xxv. 

\  See  Cummings's  Apol.  for  the  Ch.  of  Scotland,  p.  7. 

II  Our  Confession  of  Faith  is  not  binding  on  the  members,  but  only 
upon  the  ministers  and  officers  of  the  church.  It  does  not  enforce 
every  '  truth  or  duty,'  as  a  term  of  communion.     This,  our  church 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  293 

mnnion,  or  essential  either  to  the  being  of  a  church,  or  to 
the  character  of  a  true  christian.  She  therefore  opens  her 
arms  to  the  embrace  of  all  who  hold  the  Head,  and  wel- 
comes them  to  a  seat  at  her  communion-table.  In  her 
creed,  therefore,  in  her  practice,  and  in  her  terms  of  chris- 
tian communion,  the  presbyterian  church  is  truly  catholic. 
In  this  respect,  the  doctrines  she  proclaims  are  the  same 
with  those  that  patriarchs  taught  their  families,  prophets 
the  people,  apostles  the  nations,  and  Christ  the  world. ^ 
And  even  as  it  regards  her  more  enlarged  standards,  it 
was  the  catholic  intention  and  purpose  of  our  church  by 
framing  her  confession  of  faith,  and  by  requiring  subscrip- 
tion to  it  from  all  her  ministers  and  officers,  in  this  way 
most  effectually  to  guard,  preserve,  and  perpetuate  the 
true  faith  and  order  of  the  gospel,  —  the  primitive  and 
apostolic  inheritance,  —  and  thus  formally  to  maintain  her 
connection  with  the  church  catholic,  by  retaining  that  — 
all  that  —  and  only  that  —  which  appertains  to  the  church 
universal.  And  since  scripture  is  '  the  depository  of  the 
will  of  our  heavenly  father,'!  she  has  therefore  gone  to  it 
for  all  her  doctrines  and  institutions.  She  rests  her  claims 
to  truth  confessedly  upon  this  divine  testament,  knowing 
that  there  is  an  essential  difFerence  between  catholic  truth, 
and  individual  opinion,  by  whatever  fathers  or  doctors  it 
may  be  held,  or  by  whatever  number  of  them  it  may  have 
been  expressed.  To  use  a  figure  adopted  by  Dr.  Wise- 
man ;  as  the  ancient  Romans,  who  repaired  and  kept  ever 
from  destruction  the  cottage  of  Romulus,  though,  compared 
to  later  and  more  gorgeous  edifices,  it  might  appear  use- 
less and  mean  to  the  stranger  that  looked  upon  it,  so  have 


never  has  done.  (See  Hodge's  Hist,  of  Presb.  Ch.  part  ii.p.  330.)  Nor 
does  it  consider  even  ministers  worthy  of  suspension,  except  w^hen 
convictedof  dangerous  errors.'  (B.  of  Disc.ch.  v.  §  13, 14.)  See  also 
Hodge,  vol.  ii.  p.  438. 

*  Cummings's  Apol.  ibid,  p,  10.  See  also  Baxter's  Wks.  vol.  xvi. 
p.  287.     Dr.  Rice  in  Evang.  Mag.  9,  192,  &c. 

t  Dr.  Pusey,  in  Library  of  the  Fathers,  vol.  i.  p.  4. 

25* 


294  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

we  ever  held  fast  to  the  simpHcity  and  purity  of  gospel 
truth.  Well  therefore  may  we  take  up  the  parable,  and 
say  to  those  who  would  appropriate  to  themselves  the 
name  and  virtues  of  the  catholic  church,  '  we  have  ten 
parts  in  the  catholic  church,  and  we  have  also  more  right 
in  it  than  ye  ;  —  Avhy  do  ye  thus  despise  us  ? '  * 

*  SeeFulke.  Conf.  Rhem.  N.  T.  Eph.4:  13.  p  258.  Am.  Ed. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

THE    SECURITY,  SAFETY,  AND     EFFICIENCY  OF   PRESBYTERY. 

There  is  perhaps  no  other  argument,  which  has 
greater  practical  influence  in  favor  of  Romanists,  than 
the  allegation,  that,  even  in  the  judgment  of  protestants, 
they  must  be  on  the  safer  side ;  and  that,  while  they 
afford  infallible  certainty  in  matters  of  faith,  the  religion 
of  protestants  can  aflbrd  no  such  certainty.  These 
groundless  assertions,  for  which  there  is  no  manner  of 
support,  have  been  most  diligently  repeated  by  prelatists, 
in  application  to  the  system  of  presbyterianism.  Now 
the  very  reverse  we  believe  to  be  the  truth  in  the  case. 
Protestants  do  not  allow  the  prelacy  of  the  church  of 
Rome,  or  of  England,  to  be  the  safer  side,  or  a  safe  side 
at  all;  nor  do  they  believe  that  it  is  able  to  give  certainty 
in  matters  of  faith.  They  believe,  on  the  contrary,  that 
the  highest  security  and  certainty  are  aflbrded  by  the 
presbyterian  branch  of  the  church  catholic.  That  the 
Romish  and  the  Anglican  churches  are  both  true,  that  is, 
real  churches  of  Christ,  and  therefore  integral  portions  of 
the  catholic  visible  church,  we  cheerfully  admit.  In  doing 
so,  however,  we  stand  upon  the  foundation  laid  in  our  Con- 
fession, and  by  which  'all  who  profess  the  true  reli- 
gion, with  their  children,'  constitute  that  church.  But 
among  the  churches  which  compose  this  universal  body, 
there  is,  manifestly,  a  great  diversity  of  character,  and  of 
claims.  Some  are  pure,  some  imperfect,  some  corrupt, 
and  some  false.  By  an  imperfect  church  we  understand, 
a  church  which  continues  steadfastly  in  the  apostles'  doc- 


296  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

trines,  teaching  the  pure  word  of  God,  and  omitting  no 
great  and  essential  truth  of  the  gospel ;  but  in  which  the 
sacraments  are  not  duly  administered,  or  whose  order, 
polity,  and  ministers,  are  not  perfectly  conformed  to  the 
scriptural  model. 

By  a  corrupt  church  we  understand  one,  which,  while 
it  preserves  the  great  and  essential  truths  of  the  gospel, 
at  the  same  time  adds  other  things  to  these  truths,  which 
are  not  found  in  God's  word,  but  are  rather  repugnant  to 
the  same ;  and  thus,  by  human  traditions,  or  any  other 
spurious  authority,  makes  vain  the  preaching  of  the  truth, 
and  corrupts  the  administration  of  divine  ordinances. 

By  a  false  or  apostate  church  we  mean  that  church 
which  lays  any  other  foundation  than  Christ  and  his  right- 
eousness ;  which  denies  any  of  the  great  and  essential 
doctrines  of  the  word  of  God ;  or  interprets  the  word  of 
God  according  to  its  own  vain  imagination.  Such  a  church, 
whatever  else  it  may  possess  of  order  or  discipline,  and 
however  it  may  claim  the  temple,  the  priesthood,  an- 
tiquity, or  succession,  is  a  false  church.* 

By  a  pure  church,  again,  we  understand,  a  society 
whose  confession  of  faith  agrees  with  the  doctrine  of 
Jesus  Christ  and  his  apostles ;  and  which  is  governed 
solely  by  the  laws  laid  down  in  the  word  of  God,  or 
drawn  from  it  by  plain  and  necessary  inference.  The 
signs  of  such  a  church  are  soundness  of  doctrine ;  a 
lawful  and  regular  ministry ;  the  prevalence  of  love  among 
its  members  and  towards  all  saints;  and  the  due  admin- 
istration of  gospel  ordinances,  including  discipline.! 

We  distinguish,  therefore,  between  the  being  of  a 
church,  and  its  well-being ;  between  its  existence,  and  its 
integrity  or  perfection ;  between  its  essence,  and  its  state 
or  condition  at  any  given  period ;  in  short,  between  that 


^  See  the  author's  Eccl.  Catechism,  2d  ed,  q.  30. 
t  Ibid,  q.  31. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  297 

which  is  essential  to  its  very  existence,  and  those  things 
which  may  be  superadded  by  the  pride,  pomp,  or  circum- 
stance, of  vain-glorious  man.  Of  all  those  things  that  do 
not  absolutely  belong  to  the  essence  of  the  church,  but 
only  to  its  state  or  condition,  it  may  be  wholly  or  in  part 
deprived,  without  being  destroyed,  however  grievously 
impaired.^^'  It  is  thus  we  are  able  to  recognise  those 
bodies  as,  in  their  essence,  churches,  which  we  must, 
nevertheless,  pronounce  imperfect,  corrupt,  or  false,  in 
their  state,  condition,  and  superadded  doctrines.  Thus 
also  are  we  enabled  to  hope  that  within  th-;  bosom  of 
such  churches  there  may  be  many  who  are  true  chris- 
tians, and  therefore  members  of  the  invisible  church;  and 
who,  witli  more  or  less  publicity,  bear  testimony  against 
their  errors.  There  is,  however,  great  danger  in  being 
associated  with  such  bodies,  since  the  human  mind, 
through  the  influence  of  depravity,  has  a  natural  and 
powerful  affinity  to  error,  by  which  it  is  strongly  attracted ; 
and  an  aversion  to  spiritual  truth,  by  wdiich  it  is  repelled. 
Such  churches  as  are  imperfect,  may  be  improved; 
such  as  are  corrupt, reformed  ;  while  such  as  are  false,  must 
be  subverted  and  built  anew  upon  the  foundation  of  apos- 
tles and  prophets.  In  the  mean  time,  it  is  the  duty  of  all 
to  examine  well  the  character  and  creed  of  the  several 
churches  claiming  their  adherence ;  to  bring  them  to  the 
law  and  the  testimony ;  to  search  and  try  them,  whether 
they  speak  and  act  according  to  the  unerring  word ;  to 
ascertain  from  the  Scriptures,  what  is  the  orthodox  faith, 
and  thus  to  discover  where  that  orthodoxy  is  main- 
tained in  greatest  purity  and  power ;  and,  if  thus  led  to 
discover  the  corruption  or  apostacy  of  the  church  to  Avhich 
they  belong,  to  come  out  from  the  midst  of  her,  and  be 
separate.  And,  as  the  essence  of  Christianity  consists  in 
its  doctrines,  and  not  in  its  forms ;  as  true  apostolical  suc- 

*  See  Claude's  Def.  of  the  Ref.  vol.  ii.  p.  209. 


298  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

cession  is  found  in  the  succession  of  the  truth  ;  we  are  to 
estimate  the  cliaracter  of  any  church  by  its  doctrine, 
rather  than  by  its  pohty.  With  a  defective  or  unautho- 
rized ministry,  it  may  have  pure  doctrine,  and  thus  be  no 
more  than  imperfect.  With  the  most  legitimate  and 
scriptural  ministration,  it  may  have  corrupt  doctrine,  and 
thus  be  corrupt.  Or  it  may  have  both  false  doctrines  and 
unauthorized  forms  of  polity,  and  in  this  case  be  openly 
apostate. 

The  Romish  church,  we  are  constrained  to  regard 
as  a  false  and  apostate  church.  We  consider  the  pre- 
latic  church,  in  its  high-church  phase,  as  corrupt;  the 
episcopal,  in  its  low-church  form,  and  other  churches,  as 
imperfect;  and  the  presbyterian,  though  not  absolutely 
perfect,  as  a  true  and  pure  church  of  Jesus  Christ.  We 
can  truly  and  justly  glorify  God  for  all  that  which  makes 
up  the  essence  of  a  true  church ;  our  faith  is  sound,  our 
piety  is  pure,  our  charity  is  sincere ;  and  God  preserves 
and  upholds,  in  the  external  communion  of  our  church, 
those  truly  faithful  and  regenerated  persons,  who  consti- 
tute the  members  of  the  true  church.=^  Our  church  unites 
in  its  constitution  three  great  elements,  nowhere  else  to 
be  found  in  such  full  combination,  and  is  at  once  ortho- 
dox, apostolical,  and  protestant.  It  is  orthodox,  or  catho- 
lic, by  the  full  profession  of  those  early  creeds,  which 
embody  the  testimony  of  the  truly  primitive  church ;  by 
upholding  the  sufficiency  of  the  Scriptures,  as  the  only 
infallible  rule  of  faith  and  practice;  and  by  rejecting  all 
other  doctrines  and  commandments  of  men.  It  is  apos- 
tolical, by  holding  fast  the  profession  of  the  apostles'  doc- 
trine, fellowship,  and  prayers,  and  to  that  order  of  min- 
istry, and  form  of  discipline,  which  they  established. 
And  it  is  protestant,  by  exhibiting  most  fully,  in  its  con- 


*  That  this  was  the  opinion  of  the  fathers,  see  proved  by  many  quo- 
tations in  Claude's  Def.  of  the  Ref.  vol.  ii,  p.  213,  &c. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  299 

fession  and  catechisms,  the  way  in  which  truth  must  be 
apphed  unto  the  heart  for  salvation ;  bearing  full  witness 
to  the  righteousness  of  Christ,  as  the  alone  ground  of  par- 
don and  acceptance  with  God ;  and  to  the  influences  of 
the  Holy  Spirit,  as  the  only  source  of  sanctification  and 
holiness.  Thus  has  God,  of  his  singular  goodness,  com- 
bined in  our  church  the  three  grand  elements  of  purity 
and  perfection ;  catholic  orthodoxy,  apostolical  order,  and 
protestant  fidelity.  She  is  not  heretical,  because  she  ad- 
heres to  the  faith  once  delivered  to  the  saints.  She  is 
not  schismatical,  for  she  is  not  answerable  for  those  cor- 
ruptions, impositions,  and  anathemas,  Avhich  separated 
her  from  the  papacy  and  the  prelacy.  '  She  is  not  a 
usurper;  her  faith  has  been  professed  for  eighteen  cen- 
turies ;  her  polity  was  established  in  Jerusalem,  the  mother 
of  all  churches,  and  at  Antioch,  the  mother  of  all  Gentile 
churches;  and  both  have  been  maintained,  throughout 
the  world,  by  the  earliest,  the  best,  and  the  purest 
churches.  She  is  not  deficient  in  means  of  grace,  since 
she  possesses  all  the  privileges  of  the  church ;  enjoys  all 
the  spiritual  gifts,  promised  by  Christ  to  those  who  seek 
them ;  and  inherits  from  Christ's  divine  charter  all  the 
functions  of  the  christian  ministry.  She  is  not  wanting 
in  authority,  for  to  her  belong  the  authority  of  apostoli- 
cal origin,  succession,  and  mission  ;  the  ministerial  admin- 
istration of  Christ's  laws  and  institutions ;  and  the  dele- 
gated power  of  proclaiming  the  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus. 
She  is  not  found  wanting  in  the  certainty  with  Avhich  she 
fulfils  her  high  office  as  an  ambassador  for  Christ,  the  pil- 
lar and  ground  of  the  truth,  since  in  her  rule  of  faith 
there  is  all  the  certainty  which  rational  beings  can  re- 
quire."^ We  have  the  three  creeds,  which  can  derive  no 
light  from  popes  or  councils,  that  we  do  not  possess.  We 
have  our  standards  of  faith,  which  were  drawn  up  by  the 

*  Burgess's  Tracts,  p.  307. 


300  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

most  learned  men  of  a  very  learned  age.  And  the  right 
use  of  these  means  of  faith,  which  a  merciful  Providence 
has  given  us,  requires  only  the  ordinary  exercise  of  our 
rational  faculties.  We  have,  also,  in  those  plain  words  of 
scripture,  '  If  thou  wouldst  enter  into  life,  keep  the  com- 
mandments;'  'Do  this,  and  thou  shalt  live;'  '  Believe  in 
the  Lord  Jesus,  and  thou  shalt  be  saved;'  '  Forgive,  and 
thou  shalt  be  forgiven ;'  '  Whatsoever  ye  w^oald  that  men 
should  do  unto  you,  even  so  do  unto  them;'  infallible 
directions,  both  for  faith  and  conduct.' 

The  presbyterian  church  is  not  more  fallible  than  the 
church  of  Rome ;  but  she  is  fallible,  not  because  she  is 
only  a  part  of  the  church  universal,  but  because  it  is  the 
property  of  human  nature  to  be  fallible.  The  church  of 
Rome  has  shown  herself  fallible  in  many  things,  and  in 
nothing  more  than  in  that  very  pretence  that  she  is  infal- 
lible, and  that  she  is  not  a  part  of  the  universal  church, 
but  the  whole  of  it. 

The  presbyterian  chm-ch  does  not  pretend  to  be  infalli- 
ble ;  but  her  children  have  a  confident  reliance  on  this 
instruction,  that  'if  any  one  lack  wisdom,  let  him  ask  of 
God,  in  faith,  and  it  shall  be  given  him  ;'  and  in  Christ's 
promise  of  the  assistance  of  God's  Holy  Spirit  to  them 
that  ask  him.  They  are,  moreover,  sure,  that  by  such 
assistance,  and  by  the  sober  use  of  the  faculties  which 
God  has  given  them,  they  cannot  be  deceived  in  such 
things  as  most  pertain  unto  salvation."^ 

Oar  church,  therefore,  has  all  the  security  which  can 
be  possibly  enjoyed.  She  is  built  upon  the  rock.  Her 
foundation  was  laid  in  tlie  counsels  of  eternity,  and  com- 
pleted by  apostles  and  prophets,  Jesus  Christ  himself 
being  the  chief  corner-stone.  Her  walls  are  salvation. 
Her  bulwarks  are  the  sure  testimonies  of  God.  Her 
monuments  and  towers  the  everlasting  promises.      Her 

*  See  ibid,  ibid. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM".  301 

armory,  the  treasury  of  divine  truth.  Her  provisions, 
the  sure  mercies  of  David  —  that  covenant  that  shall 
never  be  broken.  Her  hope,  the  two  immutable  things 
which  can  never  fail,  the  promise  and  the  oath  of  God. 
Her  anchor,  therefore,  is  sure  and  steadfast,  being  entered 
within  the  vail.  As  the  mountains  are  round  about  Jeru- 
salem, so  is  the  Lord  round  about  her,  to  send  peace 
within  her  walls  and  prosperity  within  her  palaces ;  so 
that  even  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  her. 
Great  is  the  Lord,  and  greatly  to  be  praised  in  the  city  of 
our  God,  in  the  mountain  of  his  holiness.  Beautiful  for 
situation,  the  joy  of  the  whole  earth,  is  Mount  Zion.  God 
is  known  in  her  palaces  for  a  refuge.  As  we  have  heard, 
so  have  we  seen  in  the  city  of  the  Lord  of  hosts,  in  the 
city  of  our  God  :  God  will  establish  her  for  ever.  Selah. 
'  Let  Mount  Zion  rejoice,  let  the  daughters  of  Judah  be 
glad,  because  of  thy  judgments.  Walk  about  Zion,  and 
go  round  about  her :  tell  the  towers  thereof  Mark  ye 
well  her  bulwarks,  consider  her  palaces ;  that  ye  may 
tell  it  to  the  generation  following.  For  this  God  is  our 
God  for  ever  and  ever :  he  will  be  our  guide  even  unto 
death.' 

We  had  intended  to  go  fully  into  this  subject,  did  our 
limits  permit.  We  were  prepared  to  show,  that  the  system 
of  the  presbyterian  church  is  safer  than  either  the  Romish 
or  the  prelatic,  because  it  holds  most  purely  to  the  doctrines 
of  the  Bible ;  because  it  more  clearly  and  fully  proclaims 
the  truth  ;  because  it  affords  better  protection  to  the 
truth  ;  because,  as  a  church,  it  can  be  more  certainly  dis- 
tinguished; because  it  possesses  a  ministry  authorized 
by  the  commission  and  charter  of  Christ ;  because  it 
maintains,  with  most  fidelity  and  purity,  the  form  of 
church  order,  government,  and  discipline,  estabhshed  by 
the  apostles,  and  preserved  by  the  first  christians  ;  be- 
cause it  is  most  adapted  to  promote  spirituality  ;  because 
it  best  secures  purity  of  discipline ;  because  it  is  found  to 
26 


302  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

be  most  destructive  to  the  principles  of  infidelity ;  because 
it  most  properly  administers  the  sacraments  ;  because  it 
provides  for  greater  miity ;  because  it  is  most  conducive 
to  the  promotion  of  morality,  and  the  prevention  of  crime ; 
because  it  is  most  efficient  in  its  efforts  for  the  extension 
of  the  church,  and  the  evangelization  of  the  world ;  and 
because  it  is  the  most  liberal  and  charitable. 

"We  might  also  proceed  to  show  how  presbyterianism  is 
favorable  to  the  spread  of  light  and  knowledge,  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty  —  but  we  must  forbear.  Enough  has 
been  advanced  to  satisfy  the  most  timid  conscience,  that, 
while  we  deny  not  the  salvability  of  other  communions, 
there  is  far  greater  safety  and  certainty  to  be  found  in  the 
■  presbyterian  church,  than  in  either  the  Romish  or  prelatical. 
Holding  the  truth  in  its  purity  and  its  entirety;  proclaiming 
it  clearly ;  protecting  it  against  all  error ;  securing  most 
effectually  the  removal  of  heresy  and  error ;  promoting 
most  surely  the  revival  of  sound  doctrine  and  holy  prac- 
tice ;  perpetuating  the  apostolic  ministry,  orders,  ordinan- 
ces, and  discipline,  in  all  their  simplicity  and  power ; 
providing  for  the  greatest  unity ;  holding  up  a  shield  of 
defence  against  infidelity ;  promoting  spirituality ;  devoted 
to  the  advancement  of  the  cause  and  kingdom  of  Christ 
at  home  and  abroad ;  and  doing  all  this  in  the  spirit  of 
true  christian  liberality ;  the  presbyterian  church  proves 
that  she  possesses  the  four  great  elements  of  catholicity, 
unity,  publicity,  popularity,  and  universal  diffusiveness, 
and  offers  a  sure  and  safe  retreat  to  all  who  are  inquiring 
the  way  to  Zion.  She  is  admirably  qualified  to  instruct 
the  ignorant,  to  enlighten  those  who  are  in  darkness,  to 
console  the  real  penitent,  to  teach  the  way  of  salvation 
to  the  lost,  to  edify  the  believer  in  Christ,  and  to  guide 
sincere  inquirers  to  the  attainment  of  everlasting  life. 


CONCLUSION. 


We  have  now  endeavored  to  illustrate  the  catholicity 
and  the  liberahty  of  presbytery  ;  and  to  show  how,  when 
weighed  in  the  balances,  it  is  not  found  wanting,  but 
commends  itself  to  nniversal  approbation  and  favor. 
And  as  others  have  taken  in  hand  to  uphold  the  repub- 
licanism of  opposing  systems,  we  have  examined  into 
the  true  principles  of  republicanism,  and  demonstrated, 
we  think,  the  perfect  identity  with  it,  of  the  principles  of 
presbytery,  which  is  the  government  of  the  people. 

The  presbyterian  mode  of  discipline  and  government, 
besides  its  scriptural  basis,  recommends  itself  by  the  fol- 
lowing arguments.  It  is  founded  essentially  on  the  principle 
of  representation,  which  pervades  American  society.  It 
does  not  make  all  the  members  of  a  church  judges  ;  but 
'sets  those  to  judge  who  are  most  esteemed  in  the  house 
of  God.'  It  presents  a  firm  barrier  against  the  ambition 
and  encroachments  of  the  clergy  —  for  it  unites  with  the 
minister  a  council  of  wise,  prudent,  and  godly  men, 
taken  from  the  body  of  the  communicants,  without  whose 
consent  no  measure  can  be  carried.  It  furnishes  one  of 
the  best  securities  for  preserving  the  rights  of  both  pas- 
tor and  people;  for  it  provides  to  an  individual  of  either 
order,  who  may  suppose  himself  wronged,  the  opportu- 
nity of  appealing  to  a  higher  tribunal,  where  his  cause 
will  be  heard  without  local  prejudice,  by  judicious, 
enlightened,  and  impartial  men.  It  secures  to  ministers 
of  the  word  and  sacraments  counsel  and  support  in  all 
their  official  proceedings,  of  the  best  possible  kind ;  for 
those  who  are  associated  with  them  are  acquainted  with 
the  views  of  the  people,  participate  in  their  feelings,  and 


304  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

are  able  to  give  sound  advice  as  to  the  wisdom  and  prac- 
ticability of  those  plans,  which  require  general  coopera- 
tion, for  carrying  them  into  effect.  It  possesses  an  advan- 
tage also  on  the  score  of  despatch  and  energy,  as  well  as 
of  wisdom  and  the  security  of  equal  rights.  It  unites 
believers  together  in  one  body,  and  thus  is  friendly  to 
the  spread  of  the  gospel,  by  furnishing  facilities  for 
efficient  and  cooperative  action  in  promoting  the  great 
interests  of  the  Redeemer's  kingdom.  The  general 
assembly  of  the  church  presents  the  beautiful  spectacle 
of  the  various  members  of  one  vast  and  extended  society, 
meeting  together  by  their  representatives  as  one  in 
Christ,  to  unite  with  heart  and  hand  in  the  service  of 
their  Lord.  Such  is  the  system  of  presbyterian  govern- 
ment.^ 

Presbyterianism,  under  God,  making  its  appeal  to  the 
hearts  of  the  people ;  resting  its  confidence  upon  the 
affections  of  the  people ;  looking  for  its  advancement  to 
the  activity  and  cooperation  of  the  people  ;  invoking  in 
all  its  assemblies, _from  the  least  unto  the  greatest,  the 
presence  and  counsel  of  the  people;  and  throwing  the 
responsibility  of  all  its  doings  upon  the  equal  and  con- 
trolling voice  of  the  people  ;  is  in  perfect  keeping  with 
that  government  which  glories  in  being  the  government  of 
the  people.  Why  has  the  presbyterian  church  surmounted 
every  obstacle,  and  cleared  her  way  through  such  a  wil- 
derness of  impassable  difficulties,  to  her  present  eleva- 
tion and  greatness?  Because  sustained  by  the  nerves 
and  the  sinews  of  the  people.  And  why  has  she  not 
achieved  still  greater  triumphs,  and  eiirolled  among  her 
friends  still  greater  multitudes  ?  simply  because  depend- 
ing, as  has  been  said,  upon  the  force  and  energy  of  the 
people,  the  engrossing  interests  of  mercantile  and  agri- 
cultural pursuits   have  deprived  her  of  that  measure  of 

*  Sketch  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in  England. 


ECCLESIASTICAL     REPUBLICANISM.  305 

zealous  devotion  to  her  cause,  and  cooperation  in  her. 
designs,  without  which  she  cannot  prosper.  She  is  fram- 
ed in  adaptation  to  such  an  union  of  the  people.  She 
presupposes  and  requires  it  for  her  full  development. 
She  is,  without  it,  but  as  a  man  with  one  arm,  instead  of 
two  —  she  cannot  accomplish  even  half  what  she  might 
otherwise  perform.  Destitute  of  an  intelligent,  pious, 
and  devoted  eldership,  the  presbyterian  church  is  seen  as 
a  powerful  and  athletic  man  whose  arms  are  pinioned,  or 
whose  feet  are  in  the  stocks.  Designed  to  promote  the 
best  interests,  and  to  meet  all  the  reasonable  wishes,  of 
her  people,  the  responsibility  of  her  failure,  or  success, 
rests  mainly  upon  them.  Yes,  presbyterian  laymen,  upon 
you  does  it  depend,  whether  this  church  shall  go  forward 
from  strength  to  strength,  or  languish  and  decay.  Your 
interest,  your  prayers,  your  activity,  your  liberality,  your 
devotedness,  in  combination  with  a  faithfid  ministry,  and 
both  blessed  of  God  —  this  is  all  we  have  to  look  to  for 
success.  We  claim,  as  ministers,  no  exclusive  and  offi- 
cial possession  of  the  divine  gifts.  We  pretend  to  no 
priesthood,  to  no  sacrifice  for  sins,  to  no  power  of 
plenary  absolution,  to  no  authority  to  enforce  confes- 
sion, to  no  damnatory  power  beyond  the  grave.  We 
are  of  you,  and  among  you,  and  one  with  you,  and  desire 
that  you  should  account  of  us  as  stewards  of  the  myste- 
ries of  heaven,  ambassadors  for  Christ,  heralds  of  the 
cross,  and  your  servants  in  the  gospel. 

The  cause  of  Christ  among  you,  is,  therefore,  thrown 
upon  your  best  affections ;  upon  your  love,  and  not  your 
fear ;  your  gratitude,  and  not  your  terror ;  your  hopes,  and 
not  your  servile  prostration  ;  your  liberality,  and  not  your 
tithed  assessments  ;  your  willing  consecration,  and  not 
your  slavish  and  blind  obedience.  Will  you,  brethren, 
abuse  this  great  grace  of  God,  or  undervalue  this  heav- 
enly birthright,  or  lightly  esteem  this  august  inheritance  ? 
May  God  forbid.  Montesquieu  has  shown,  that  the  prin- 
26* 


306 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 


ciple  of  a  republic,  or  the  spring  by  which  it  acts,  is  vir- 
tue—  that  is,  as  he  understands  the  term,  love  of  the 
established  government  of  the  republic  —  devotion  to  its 
interests,  a  preference  of  these  interests  by  each  indi- 
vidual to  his  own  ;  in  a  word,  what  we  call  public  spirit, 
or  patriotism.  In  such  a  government,  every  man  should 
feel,  that  in  promoting  the  common  weal,  he  is  advancing 
his  personal  welfare ;  and  should  be  actuated,  therefore, 
not  by  the  principle  of  fear,  or  penurious  selfishness,  but 
by  love  and  a  generous  liberality.  Now  precisely  similar 
is  the  constitution,  and  the  principle,  of  our  church.  In 
preference  to  other  churches,  she  founds  her  claims  to  the 
cooperation  and  assistance  of  all  her  members,  upon  the 
liberty  and  privilege  she  so  abundantly  confers. 

Presbyterianism,  to  the  carnal  eye,  does  not  present 
the  same  attractive  form  which  is  assumed  by  her  pre- 
latic  rivals,  who  appear  before  their  votaries  in  all  the 
'  pride,  pomp,  and  circumstance,'  of  ceremonial  forms ; 
but  whatever  iniluence  over  the  ignorant  and  unthinking 
multitude  may  in  this  way  be  gained,  is  a  dear  purchase, 
when  christian  truth  and  duty,  and  charity,  must  be  im- 
paired for  its  sake. 

We,  christian  brethren,  and  our  fathers,  have  possessed 
a  talent  of  unspeakable  value.  We  have  enjoyed,  as  a 
church,  unlimited  freedom  and  spiritual  independence. 
We  have  no  king  but  Christ.  We  call  no  man  master 
upon  earth.  We  are  in  subjection  to  no  traditions  of  the 
fathers  —  nor  to  any  will-worship,  formality,  and  super- 
stitions of  men.  We  bow  to  no  deified  images.  We 
cringe  to  no  priestly  mediators,  and  lick  the  dust  of  no 
wooden  crucifixes.  We  are  the  Lord's  freemen.  We 
are  in  bondage  to  no  power  on  earth.  We  wear  the 
livery  of  no  spiritual  despot.  Our  government  is  a  gov- 
ernment of  written  laws,  and  it  is  administered  by  our 
people  themselves,  without  let,  hindrance,  or  tyranny. 
This,  brethren,  is  a  great,  a  distinguishing  privilege. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM.  307 

Of  the  two  great  branches  of  the  Reformation  in 
Europe,  the  Lutheran  Churches,  and  the  Reformed  —  the 
Lutheran  had  no  spiritual  independence,  but  were 
wholly  subjected  to  the  state.  And  of  the  four  great 
Reformed  Churches  of  France,  Geneva,  Holland,  and 
Scotland,  —  the  Protestant  Church  of  France,  planted  by 
Calvin,  has  been  laid  waste  by  the  persecution  of  anti- 
christ. Geneva  is  desolate  by  the  withering  pestilence 
of  heresy,  and  the  exclusion  of  the  laity  from  her  coun- 
cils. Holland  has  been  prostrated  to  the  civil  power. 
The  Reformed  National  Church  of  Scotland  has  also 
been  subjected  to  the  vassalage  of  a  state  establishment, 
and  to  the  corrupting  influence  of  patronage,  and  is  now, 
therefore,  waging  warfare  for  her  usurped  rights.  In  the 
prelatic  churches  eveiy  where,  and  of  every  name,  the 
priesthood  is  every  thing,  and  the  people  nothing.  But 
we  are  free,  we  hold  by  the  Head,  we  maintain  professed 
allegiance  to  the  King  of  kings,  and  King  of  saints.  We 
alone  renounce  all  interference  of  man,  all  submission  to 
any  earthly  laws,  and  we  alone  can  sit  under  our  vine 
and  fig  tree,  none  daring  to  molest  or  make  us  afraid. 
The  principles  we  maintain  are  the  religious  strength  of 
the  country ;  the  grand  bulwark  that  alone  can  arrest  and 
drive  back  to  their  native  regions,  the  pestilential  heresies 
of  Popery  and  Puseyism ;  and,  in  proportion  as  these 
principles,  in  harmony  with  evangelical  piety,  are  under- 
stood, appreciated,  and  advanced,  in  the  same  degree 
will  our  national  greatness  and  prosperity  be  secured. 
*  Columbia  sic  stahit ;   Christique  arx  alta  manehit.' 

"VVe  would  impress  upon  the  people  the  duty  of  taking 
interest  in  all  the  affairs  of  the  church,  of  informing 
themselves  fully  of  all  the  claims  and  advantages  she 
confers,  and  of  fitting  themselves  to  give  a  reason  of  their 
ecclesiastical  preference,  to  every  man  that  asketh  them. 
The  life  of  our  system  is  a  spiritual  life.  It  lies  in  the 
culture  of  the  mind  and  heart  —  the  reason  and  the  con- 


308  ECCLESIASTICAL    REPUBLICANISM. 

science.  '  It  is  bound  up  in  those  principles  wliicli  must 
be  taught  from  father  to  son,  from  generation  to  generation, 
with  care,  with  toil,  with  sacrifice.'  It  is  a  prize  above 
all  price.  It  is  a  heaven-descended  gift,  preserved  and 
perpetuated  by  the  blood  of  martyrs.  It  is  an  inheritance 
more  valuable  than  that  of  houses  or  lands,  of  silver  or 
gold,  and  which  we  are  bound  by  every  duty  to  ourselves, 
to  our  children,  to  our  country,  and  to  our  God,  to  pre- 
serve and  perpetuate  at  every  sacrifice.  It  is  a  cause, 
again  worthy  of  martyrdom.  It  is,  brethren,  your  cause, 
and  not  the  cause  of  your  ministers.  Let  not  the  duty  it 
imposes  upon  you,  as  individual  christians,  as  deacons, 
elders,  and  ofiicers,  as  active  and  efficient  agents,  as  dili- 
gent and  laborious  Sabbath  School  teachers,  as  earnest 
instructors  of  your  children  and  families  in  the  history, 
principles,  and  reasons  of  our  church  government  and 
doctrine  —  let  not  these  be  thought  irksome.  Let  them 
not  be  regarded  as  secondary  to  what  you  call  the  more 
important  interests  of  life.  You  are  assuredly  mistaken. 
In  looking  after  business,  you  may  be  neglecting  your 
chief  business,  which  is  to  secure  the  liberties,  civil  and 
religious,  of  yourselves  and  your  posterity.  Without  the 
active,  zealous,  and  devoted  cooperation  of  all  its  mem- 
bers, our  church  may  be  compared  to  a  human  body, 
'  more  perfect  as  to  the  skeleton,  and  more  beautifully 
constructed  than  that  of  others,  but  which  from  languor 
of  circulation  is  become  somewhat  feeble  in  muscle, 
incapable  of  throwing  off  peccant  humors,  and  ill  qual- 
ified for  energizing  with  vigor,  w^hen  compared  with  a 
frame  less  perfectly  compacted,  but  possessing  a  more 
lively  circulation,  and  a  more  elastic  activity.'  But  let 
our  church  be  supported  by  the  hearty  cooperation  of  all 
its  officers  and  members,  and  it  will  be  found  possessed 
of  both  these  classes  of  advantages,  without  their  corres- 
ponding deficiencies,  and  be  mighty,  through  God,  to  the 
pulling  down  the  strong-holds  of  sin  and  Satan. 


APPENDIX. 


THE     PRACTICAL    EFFICIENCY     OF     PRESBYTERY    IN     PROMOTING 
MORALITY     AND    PREVENTING    CRIME. 


That  church  may  be  regarded  as  the  most  safe  and  certain,  which 
is  found,  in  its  practical  working,  most  conducive  to  the  promotion  of 
morality  and  righteousness,  and  to  the  prevention  of  crime  — '  by  their 
fruits  ye  shall  know  them,'  '  for  righteousness  exalteth  a  nation.'  This 
is  a  very  plain  and  practical  test. 

Now  it  is  admitted  by  prelatists,  that  presbyterianism  is  at  least  as 
conducive  to  morality  as  any  other  system.  '  "We  know,'*  says  a 
recent  able  and  candid  episcopalian  writer,  '  that  there  are,  and  have 
been,  whole  nations  of  professed  Calvinists,w?io,  in  successive  genera- 
tions, have  not  appeared  at  all  below  their  neighbors  of  other  persua- 
sions in  the  general  tone  of  their  morals.' 

The  doctrines  of  presbyterianism  are  adapted  to  lead  to  holiness, 
both  of  heart  and  life.  Toplady  testifies!  to  the  superior  power  of  his 
preaching,  in  converting  souls,  when  he  preached  the  Calvinistic  sys- 
tem, than  before ;  and,  if  conversion  to  God  be  the  first  and  best  secu- 
rity for  individual  holiness,  and  through  it,  national  morality,  it  is 
plain  that  Calvinism  must  be  considered  the  friend  of  both.  He  says, 
in  1774,  'as  to  the  doctrines  of  special  and  discriminating  grace,  I 
have  thus  much  to  observe,  that  for  the  first  four  years  after  I  was  in 
orders,  I  dwelt  chiefly  on  the  general  outline  of  the  gospel.  I 
preached  little  else  but  of  justification  by  faith  only  in  the  righteous- 
ness and  atonement  of  Christ,  and  of  that  personal  holiness,  without 
which  no  man  shall  see  the  Lord.  My  reasons  for  thus  narrowing 
the  truths  of  God,  were,  (with  humiliation  and  repentance  I  desire  to 
speak  it,)  these  two:  first,  I  thought  these  points  were  sufficient  to 
convey  as  clear  an  idea  as  was  absolutely  necessary  of  salvation;  and, 
second,  I  was  partly  afraid  to  go  any  farther.  God  himselfi^^or  none 
but  he  could  do  it)  gradually  freed  me  from  that  fear.  And,  as  he 
never  at  any  tirr.e  permitted  me  to  deliver,  or  even  insinuate  any  thing 
contradictory  to  his  truths,  so  has  he  been  graciously  pleased,  for  be- 
tween seven  and  eight  years  past,  to  open  my  mouth  to  make  known 
the  entire  mystery  of  his  gospel,  as  far  as  his  Spirit  has  enlightened 
me  in  it.  The  consequence  of  my  first  plan  of  operations  was.  that  the 
generality  of  my  hearers  were  pleased,  but  very  few  were  ronverted.  The 
result  of  my  latter  deliverance  from  worldly  wisdom  and  worldly  fear, 
is,  that  multitudes  have  been  very  angry.     But  the  conversions  which 

*  Christianity  Indep.  of  the  Civil  Government,  p.  46. 
■••  In  Lorimer's  Manual,  p.  278. 


310  APPENDIX. 

God  has  given  me  reason  to  hope  he  has  wrought,  have  been  at  least 
three  for  one  before.  Thus,  I  can  testify,  so  far  as  I  have  been  con- 
cerned, the  usefulness  of  preaching  predestination,  or,  in  other  words, 
of  tracing  salvation  and  redemption  to  their  first  source.'* 

In  meeting  the  objection,  that  the  Calvin'stic  doctrines  tend  practi 
cally  to  licentiousness,  the  Rev.  Hugh  White,  curate  in  Dublin,  says,t 
'and  here,  it  cannot  surely  but  excite  the  unfeigned  suiprise  of  every 
unprejudiced  mind,  to  observe  that  a  directly  contrary  tendency  is 
manifested  in  the  strenuous  upholders  of  the  doctrines  of  free  grace  ; 
and  that,  generally  speaking,  they  are  as  much  distinguished  by  their 
peculiar  devotedness  lo  the  service  of  God,  and  the  pursuit  of  holiness, 
as  by  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  their  creed  —  so  that,  by  a  contradic- 
tion that  would  be  amusing,  were  not  the  subject  so  serious,  their 
doctrines  are  condemned  as  being  too  loose,  and  iheir  lives  as  being 
too  strict!' 

Bishop  Burnet  says,  'a  Calvinist  is  taught,  by  his  opinions,  to  think 
mcanhj  of  himself  (how  unUke  the  picture  drawn  by  bishop  Hughes  ! )  and 
to  ascribe  the  honor  of  all  to  God :  which  lays  in  him  a  dee])  foimdation 
for  humility ;  he  is  also  much  inclined  to  secret  prayer,  and  to  a  fixed 
dependcn  c  on   God.' 

The  article  in  the  Encyclopedia  Britannica  on  Predestination,  con- 
tains these  remarks.  '  There  is  one  remark,  which  we  feel  ourselves 
bound  in  justice  to  make,  although  it  appears  to  us  somewhat  singular. 
It  is  this:  that  from  the  earliest  ages  down  to  our  own  days,  if  we 
consider  the  character  of  the  ancient  Stoics,  the  Jewish  Essenes,  the 
I\IouERN  Calvinists  and  Jansenists,  when  compared  with  that  of 
their  antagonists,  the  Epicureans,  the  Sadducees,  the  Arminians,  and 
the  Jes  uiTs,  we  shall  find  that  they  hai^e  excelled,  in  no  small  degree,  in  the 
practice  of  the  most  rigid  and  respectable  virtues ;  and  have  been  the 
highest  honor  of  their  own  ages,  and  the  best  models  for  imitation  for  every 
succeeding  age.''  This  surely  is  no  measured  praise  ;  and  yet,  that  it  is 
from  one  who  was  970  Calvinist,  appears,  not  only  from  the  above  re- 
mark on  '  the  singidarily '  of  the  fact,  stated  by  him,  but  still  more, 
from  the  follovv'ing  sentence  :  '  At  the  same  tinie  it  must  be  confessed, 
that  their  virtues  have  in  general  been  rendered  unamiable,  by  a  tinge  of 
gloomy  and  severe  austerity.^ 

Again.  '  In  Letters  addressed  to  a  Scrio'is  and  Hvmble*Inqvirer,^  &c., 
by  the  Rev.  Edward  Cooper,  Rector  of  Hampstall  Ridwane,  (a  distin- 
guished episcopal  clergyman  of  England,  and  no  Calvinist,)  it  is 
thus  written:  'Among  no  denomination  or  description  of  professing 
christians,  is  there  to  be  found  a  larger  portion  of  humble,  pious,  and  de- 
voted servants  of  God,  persons  of  a  truly  christian  spirit,  zealous  of  good 
tvorks,  andjgccmplary  in  every  duty  and  relation  of  life,  than  among  those 
who  hold  the  Calvinistic  tenets.  I  am  sure  that  your  observation  and  your 
candor  willfully  justify  this  statement.  And,  therefore,  so  far  as  this 
system  is  to  be  judged  of  by  its  actual  effects,  I  think,  that  on  a 
candid  reconsideration  of  the  subject,  you  will  be  induced  to  abandon 
your  objection,  and  to  admit,  that  it  was  founded  on  an. erroneous  and 
j)arLial  view  of  the  sid)ject.' 

A  similar  testimony  is  given  by  another  episcopalian,  a  lieutenant 
in  the  English  army.     '  Having  been  led  to  a  belief  in  these  doctrines,' 

*  See  a  similar  testimony  by  Abraham  Booth,  in  his  Death  of  Le^al  Hope,  p.  46  ; 
in  Lorimer,  pp.  279,  280,  a)id  the  very  remarkable  oiie  given  by  Dr.  Chalmers,  in 
his  Address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Kilmany  ;  in  Works,  vol.  xii.  p.  71,  &c. 

t  Sermons,  Dublin,  t&3S,  Gth  ed.  vol.  i.  pp.  141,  1.42.     See  the  whole  discourse. 


APPENDIX.  311 

he  says  *  'now  I  felt  I  had  power,  through  Christ  strengthening  me, 
to  rush  into  the  midst  of  the  battle  against  the  world,  the  flesh,  and 
the  devil,  and  to  give  a  helping  hand  to  others.  Oh  !  truly  they  say 
falsely,  who  affirm  that  these  are  doctrines  tending  to  laxity  of  moral 
and  spiritual  conduct  and  life;  surely  they  who  have  felt  their  power, 
(and  they  only  can  give  an  opinion,)  can  testify  to  the  very  reverse, 
and  assert  that  they  inspire  (under  the  Spirit's  teaching)  the  christian 
soldier's  heart  to  begin,  and  continue  to  tight  the  good  fight  of  feiith 
unto  death.  And  why  '(  because  he  has  been  assured  by  the  Captain 
of  his  salvation,  that  he  shall  gain  the  victory,  and  come  oiF  '  more 
than  conqueror  through  him  that  Icveth  him.' 

Such  was  the  influence  exerted  upon  the  nation  by  the  prevalence 
of  puritanism.  '  During  the  troubles,'  says  the  Rev.  J.  Jones,  the 
biographer  of  bishop  Hall,  and  a  m.inister  of  the  church  of  England,t 
'  of  the  times,  on  account  of  the  differences  between  Charles  I,  and 
the  parliament,  puritanism  was  in  one  sense  productive  of  much 
good.  Tfie  reformation  of  manners  was  then  very  remarkable.  The  laws 
against  vice  and  profaneness  were  so  strict,  and  so  vigorously  put  in 
execution,  that  vice  was  forced  to  hide  itself  in  corners.  The  magis- 
trates did  their  duty  in  suppressing:  all  kinds  of  games,  stage  plays, 
and  abuses  in  public  houses.  There  was  not  a  play  acted  on  any  theatre 
in  England  for  almost  twenty  years.  Profane  swearing,  drunkenness,  or 
any  kind  of  debauchery,  were  not  to  be  heard  or  seen  on  the  streets. 
The  Lord's  day  was  observed  with  unusual  reverence.  The  churches 
were  crowded  with  numerous  and  attentive  worshippers,  three  or 
four  times  in  the  day.  The  peace-officers  patrolled  the  streets  of 
London,  and  all  the  public  houses  were  shut  up.  There  was  no  trav- 
elling on  the  road  or  walking  in  the  lields,  except  in  cases  of  absolute 
necessity.  Religious  exercises  were  set  up  in  private  families  —  as 
reading  the  Scriptures,  family  prayer,  repeating  sermons,  and  singing 
of  psalms.  This  was  so  general  a  custom,  that  we  are  told  a  person 
might  walk  through  the  city  of  London,  on  the  evening  of  the  Lord's 
day,  without  seeing  an  idle  person,  or  hearing  any  thing  but  the  voice 
of  prayer  or  praise  from  churches  or  private  houses.  It  is  also  said, 
that  there  was  hardly  a  single  hankrv.ptcy  to  be  heard  of  in  a  year,  and  that 
even  in  such  a  case  the  bankrupt  had  a  mark  of  infamy  set  upon  him, 
that  he  could  never  wipe  off.' 

'  But  in  our  island,'  to  add  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Carlyle.f  'there 
tirose  a  puritanism,  which  even  got  itself  established  as  a  presbyte- 
rianism  and  national  church  among  the  Scotch  ;  which  came  forth  as 
a  real  business  of  the  heart ;  and  has  produced  in  the  world  very 
notable  fruit.  In  some  senses,  one  may  say  it  is  the  only  phasis  of 
protestantism  that  ever  got  to  the  rank  of  being  a  faith,  a  true  heart- 
communication  with  Heaven,  and  of  exhibiting  itself  in  history  as 
such.' 

When  puritanism  was  put  down,  and  prelacy  triumphed,  what  was 
the  result  ?  '  Sad  was  the  state  of  religion,'  says  jMr.  Strype,  '  at  this 
time  ;§    the  substantials  being  lost  in  contending  for  externals ;  the 

*  Church  in  tlie  Army,  p.  151. 

t  Biograpliy  of  Ijishop  Hull.  pp.  455,  456  ;  in  Lorimer,  pp.  280,  C81.  See  Burnet'3 
Tesliin.in  Neal,  vol.  iv.  p.  313.  As  to  the  Albigeiises  and  Waidcnses,  see  con- 
fessions of  iheir  enemies,  in  Faber's  Alhigenses,  pp.  432,  433. 

t  Lectures  on  Heroes,  p.  231.  English  ed. 

§  Ann.  p.  98.  Neal's  Purit.  vol.  i.  pp.  244,  24.5.  See  also,  pp.  293,  207,  31.5,  .371, 
391.  Edinb.  Rev.  Jan.  J841.  In  Lorimer,  ibid,  p.  281.  Neal,  vo.  iii.  pp.92,  10/,  and 
vol.  iv.  pp.  16,  .53,  313,  320,  321,  335,  347, 3(iO,  and  vol.  v.  p.  21.  See  also  Edinb.  Rev. 
July,  18L8,p.267. 


312  APPENDIX. 

churchmen  heaped  up  mo.ny  benefices  upon  themselves,  and  resided 
upon  none,  neglecting  their  cures.  Many  of  them  alienated  their 
lands,  made  unreasonable  leases,  and  waste  of  woods,  and  granted  re- 
versions and  advowsons'to  their  wives  and  children. —  Among  the  lai- 
ty there  was  little  devotion  ;  the  Lord's  day  greatly  profaned,  and  little 
observed  ;  the  common  prayers  not  frequented  ;  some  lived  without 
any  service  of  God  at  all ;  many  were  mere  heathens  and  atheists  ;  the 
Queen's  own  court  a  harbor  for  epicures  and  atheists,  and  a  kind  of 
lawless  place,  because  it  stood  in  no  parish;  which  things  make  good 
men  fear  some  sad  judgments  impending  over  the  nation.' 

Toplady  confirms  this  statement.*  '  With  that  prince,  ( Charles  II,) 
Arminianism  returned  as  a  flood,  and  licentiousness  of  manners  was 
coextensive  with  it.  We  have  had  since  that  period  more  than  one 
hundred  years  experience  of  the  unsanctified  effects  which  naturally 
result  from  the  ideal  system  of  free  will  and  universal  redemption. 
What  has  that  system  done  for  us  ?  It  has  unbraced  every  nerve  of 
virtue,  and  relaxed  every  rein  of  religious  and  social  duty.  In  propor- 
tion to  the  operation  of  its  influence,  it  has  gone  far  toward  subvert- 
ing all  moral  obedience,  and  seems  to  endanger  the  entire  series,  even 
of  political  and  ecclesiastical  subordination,  &c.  Look  round  the  land, 
and  your  lordships  cannot  fail  of  perceiving  that  our  fiercest  free-will- 
ers  are  for  the  most  part  the  freest  livers,  and  that  the  belief  of  universal 
grace  is,  in  too  many  instances,  the  turnpike  road  to  universal  sin.' — 
P.  27S.  In  accordance  with  these  views,  Toplady.  at  a  later  day,  quo- 
ted as  an  illustration  of  the  demoralizing  influence  of  Arminianism, 
fairly  carried  out,  the  case  of  a  zealous  advocate  of  the  system,  who, 
'  when  he  was  in  fit  of  intemperance,  if  any  one  reminded  him  of  the 
wrath  of  God,  threatened  against  such  courses,  he  would  answer, '  I 
am  a  child  of  the  devil  to-day,  but  I  have  free  will,  and  to-morrow  I  will 
make  myself  a  child  of  God.'' —  Works,  p.  759. 

The  Parliamentary  Committeet  on  Church  Patronage,  in  1834,  on 
reporting  the  result  of  their  labors  to  the  Legislature,  remark, '  No  sen- 
timent has  been  so  deeply  impressed  on  the  mind  of  your  committee, 
in  the  course  of  their  long  and  laborious  investigation,  as  that  of  vene- 
ration and  respect  for  the  established  church  of  Scotland.  They  be- 
lieve that  no  institution  has  ever  existed,  which,  at  so  little  cost,  has 
accomplished  so  much  good.  The  eminent  place  w^hich  Scotland  holds 
in  the  scale  of  nations,  is  mainly  owing  to  the  purity  of  the  standards, 
and  the  zeal  of  the  ministers  of  its  church,  as  well  as  the  wisdom  with 
which  its  internal  institutions  have  been  adapted  to  the  habits  and  in- 
terests of  the  people.* 

Graham,  in  his  History  of  the  United  States,  gives  a  similar  testimo- 
ny to  the  working  of  the  system  in  New  England,  after  it  had  been  long 
in  operation. J  '  Perhaps  no  country  in  the  w^orld  w%as  ever  more  dis- 
tinguished than  New  England  at  that  time,  for  the  general  prevalence 
of  those  sentiments  and  habits,  that  render  communities  respectable 
and  happy.  Sobriety  and  industry  pervaded  all  classes  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. The  laws  against  immorality  of  every  description,  were  re- 
markably strict,  and  not  less  strictly  executed  ;  and  being  cordially 
supported  by  public  opinion,  they  were  able  to  render  every  vicious 
and  profligate  excess  equally  dangerous  and  infamous  to  the  perpetra- 

*  In  Lorimer,  ib'd,  p.  281. 

t   Lorimer,  p.  :;5:). 

i  In  Lorimer,  on  the  Eldership,  p.  155. 


APPENDIX.  313* 

tor.  There  was  not  a  single  beggar  in  the  whole  province.  The  gen- 
eral diffusion  of  education  caused  national  ad\antages,  which  were 
thus  vigorously  improved,  to  be  justly  appreciated,  and  an  ardent  and 
enlightened  patriotism  knit  the  hearts  of  the  people  to  each  other  and 
to  the  country.' 

'  The  effecis  of  puritanism,'  says  Bancroft,*  'display  its  true  char- 
acter still  more  distinctly.  Ecclesiastical  tyranny  is  of  all  kinds  the 
worst;  its  fruits  are  cowardice,  idleness,  ignorance,  and  poverty.  Pu- 
ritanism was  a  life-giving  spirit :  activity,  thrift,  intelligence,  followed 
in  its  train  ;  and  as  for  courage,  a  coward  and  a  puritan  never  went  to- 
gether. '  He  that  prays  best,  and  preaches  best,  will  fight  best;'  such 
was  the  judgment  of  Cromwell,  the  greatest  soldier  of  his  age.  . .  .The 
fanatic  for  Calvinism  was  a  fanatic  for  liberty:  and  he  defended  his 
creed  ;  for,  in  the  moral  warfare  for  freedom,  his  creed  was  a  part  of 
his  army,  and  his  most  faithful  ally  in  the  battle.' 

If  confirmation  of  these  statements  be  required,  M'e  have  it  in  the 
present  relative  condition  of  the  principal  Protestant  and  Roman  Ca- 
tholic countries.  Compare  Italy  with  Prussia;  compare  Spain  with 
England;  compare  Mexico  and  the  South  American  republics  with 
the  United  States.  Compare  Protestant  Switzerland,  Holland,  Scot- 
land, the  North  of  Ireland,  the  English  Nonconformists,  the  New  Eng- 
land States,  and  our  Presbyterian  communities  here  and  there  scatter- 
ed through  the  land  —  all  Calvinistic  in  their  faith  —  with  any  other 
states  or  comm\inilies  on  earth,  where  a  different  form  of  faith  pre- 
vails, and  their  superior  morality  and  intelligence  must  be  apparent. 
The  superiority  of  the  protectant  countries  is  known  and  read  of  all 
men.  To  what  is  it  owing  ?  Not  to  physical  causes,  certainly ;  forin 
these  the  Roman  Catholic  countries  have  the  advantage. 

Villers.a  Romanist,  in  his  work  on  the  Reformation,  which  obtained 
the  prize  offered  by  the  National  Institute  of  France,  strongly  confirms 
our  assertion.  After  showing  that  Romanism  engenders  '  poverty,  in- 
dolence, immorality,  and  all  sorts  of  vices,'  and  the  contrary  effects  of 
protestantism,  he  remarks, '  the  contrast!  of  these  indubitable  effects 
of  the  two  religions  is  more  particularly  perceptible  in  Germany  and 
Switzerland,  where  the  different  territories  which  are  intermixed, 
cause  the  traveller  to  pass  continually  from  a  Catholic  to  a  Protestant 
country.  Does  he  meet  with  a  miserable  mud  cottage,  covered  with 
thatch,  the  fields  badly  kept,  wretched  rude  peasants,  and  many  beg- 
gars :  he  will  be  in  little  danger  of  erring,  if  he  conjecture  that  he  is  in 
a  catholic  country.  If,  on  the  contrary,  neat,  pleasant  houses  are  seen, 
offering  the  spectacle  of  affluence  and  industry,  the  fields  well  inclosed, 
a  culture  well  understood,  it  is  very  probable  that  he  is  among  protest- 
ants,  anabaptists,  or  mennonites.  Thus  nature  seems  lo  change  her 
aspect,  as  he  who  gives  her  laws  enjoys  his  liberty  more  or  less,  and 
exercises  all  his  powers  in  a  greater  or  less  degree:  while,  at  the  same 
lime,  nature  appears  to  have  delighted  in  endeavoring  to  bestow  all  her 
gifts  upon  the  catholic  nations  which  inhabit  the  finest  countries  of 
Europe.  This  singularity  is  very  evident  in  the  limited  territory  of 
Helvetia.  Let  the  fertile  plains  of  Solaire  be  compared  with  the  much 
less  favored  soil  of  Argovia;  the  rocky  sterile  land,  unprotected  from 
the  northern  blasts,  of  the  Pays  de  Vaud,  with  the  magnificent  Italian 
Switzerland,  or  the  well  sheltered  Valais  j  the  territory  of  Neufchatel, 

*  Hist,  of  United  States,  vol.  i.  pp.  4G?,  463. 
t  Lond.  1805,  p.  2<i5. 

27 


314  APPENDIX, 

with  the  fruitful  fields  of  the  country  lately  su*bjected  to  the  Ahhe  of 
Saint  Gall ;  and  finally,  even  in  the  states  of  this  monk-prince,  let  that 
portion  which  follows  the  Roman  worship  be  compared  with  that, 
much  smaller,  which,  under  the  protection  of  Zurich  and  Berne,  has 
been  able  to  adhere  to  the  reform  ;  and  it  will  every  where  appear  that 
the  activity  and  knowledge  of  man  is  superior  to  even  the  liberalities 
of  prodigal  nature,  while  all  her  benefits  are  as  though  they  were  lost, 
to  idleness  and  want  of  care.' 

'  It  is  a  certain  fact,'  adds  M.  Villers,*  'that  more  crimes  are  com- 
mitted in  catholic,  than  in  protestant,  countries.  The  author  might 
instance  many  facts,  which  he  has  collected  on  this  subject  He  will 
be  satisfied  with  foreign  authorities.  Cit.  Mcbmann,  president  of  the 
special  tribunal  of  Mayenne,  in  his  Cbup-cVdil  sur  Vitat  des  quatres 
df^partemens  dii  Bhin,  says,  that  the  number  of  malefactors  in  the  cath- 
olic and  protestant  cantons,  is  in  the  proportion  of  four,  if  not  six,  to 
one.  At  Augsburgh,  the  territory  of  which  offers  a  mixture  of  the 
two  religions,  of  nine  hundred  and  forty-six  malefactors,  convicted  in 
the  course  of  ten  years,  there  were  only  one  hundred  and  eighty-four 
protestants;  that  is  to  say,  less  than  one  in  five.  The  celebrated  phi- 
lanthropist, Howard,  observed,  that  the  prisons  of  Italy  were  inces- 
santly crowded ;  at  Venice,  he  has  seen  three  or  four  hundred  prisoners 
in  the  principal  prison;  at  Naples,  nine  hundred  and  eighty  in  the 
succursal  prison  alone,  called  Vicaria;  while  he  afl^rms,  that  the 
prisons  of  Berne  are  almost  always  empty ;  that  in  thbse  of  Lausanne 
he  did  not  find  any  prisoner;  and  only  three  individuals  in  a  state  of 
arrest  at  SchafFhousen.  Here  are  facts;  I  do  not  draw  any  conclu- 
sion.' 

Mr.  Lorimer  has  taken  great  pains  to  collate  the  amount  of  crime  in 
Scotland,  as  compared  with  that  in  England  and  Ireland.  After 
showing  that  a  large  amount  of  the  reported  crimes  in  Scotland  are 
mere  misdemeanors,  and  a  large  amount  committed  by  Irish  Roman- 
ists, t  he  gives  the  results  as  follows: |  '  To  prevent  Scottish  chris- 
tians, owing  to  the  loose  statements  which  have  been  made  of  the 
unexampled  progress  of  crime  in  this  country,  being  disheartened  in 
their  labors,  I  may  subjoin  a  comparative  view  of  the  state  of  crime 
in  England  and  Wales.  We  have  seen  that  the  commitments  for 
crime  in  Scotland, 

In  the  years  1832,  were  2431, 

1836,      "      2922, 

1840,      "      3872. 
In  the  same  years,  the  crime  of  England  and  Wales  was, 
In  1832,  20,829  persons  committed. 
1836,  20,984         "  " 

1840,  27,187         "  " 

Now  it  appears,  from  the  late  census,  that  the  population  of  Scotland 
is  about  one  sixth  of  that  of  England  and  Wales.  Were  its  crime  in 
the  same  proportion,  the  Scottish  criminafs  should,  at  the  respective 
dates,  have  been  3471,  3497,  4531 ;  instead  of  which,  they  were  what 
has  been  stated;  in  other  words,  Scotland  had  less  proportional  crime 

*  P.  224.     Note. 

t  See  his  work  on  the  office  of  Deacon,  Edinb.  1842,  pp.  122-132. 
t  Ibid.  pp.  132,  133.     See  also  his  work  on  the   Eldership,  pp.  149-155.    Glasg, 
1841.    See  also  Sketch  of  the  Presb.  Ch.  in  England,  pp.  14  and  41. 


APFENDIX.  315 

than  England,  by  1040,  575,  and  659,  in  the  years  refered  to ;  and  that, 
though  Scotland  be  a  poorer  country,  and  is  a  stranger  to  the  English 
poor-law  system,  which  by  many  is  alleged  to  be  a  defence  against 
crime,  and  though,  probably,  the  influx  of  Irish  is  proportionally 
greater  into  Scotland  than  into  England. 

It  would  scarcely  be  fair  to  compare  Scotland  with  Ireland;  a  pro- 
testant  with  a  popish  country.     I  may  merely  mention  the  numbers, 
without  expatiating  on  them.     For  instance,  in  Ireland, 
In  1&32,  there  were  10,056  commitments. 
1830,  "  23,891 

1810,  "  23,822  '  = 

Scotland  is  nearly  one  third  of  the  population  of  Ireland;  were  her 
criminals  proportional  in  numbers,  they  should  have  been  5352  and 
7903,  instead  of  2431  and  2922.  In  other  words,  Ireland  had.  propor- 
tionally, for  these  years,  2921  and  5041  more  criminals  than  Scotland. 
But  perhaps  the  most  striking  fact  is,  that  in  1837,  the  province  of 
Ulster,  the  most  protestant  territory  of  Ireland,  (still  one  half  the  j>op- 
nlation  is  Roman  catholic.)  with  a  population  somewhat  less  than 
Scotland,  had  not  less  than  5605  criminal  commitments.  In  the  same 
year,  Scotland  had  3126  commitments  for  crime  ;  in  other  words,  pro- 
portionally, 2479  fewer  criminals  than  the  most  prominent  part  of  the 
sister  country! 

It  is  right,  however,  to  state,  that,  while  Ulster  suffers  in  a  compar- 
ison with  Scotland,  doubtless  from  its  large  Roman  catholic  popula- 
tion, it  gains  immensely,  on  comparison  with  any  other  part  of  Ireland. 
Thus  the  one  county  of  Tipperary,  in  1837,  (population  402,563,)  had 
4239  crimes,  while  the  whole  of  the  ten  counties  of  Ulster,  (popula- 
tion 2,314,104,)  had,  at  the  same  time,  as  we  have  seen,  5605;  and 
while  in  the  Tipperary  crimes  there  were  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
four  homicides,  many  of  those  of  Ulster  were  comparatively  trifling. 
A  few  years  before,  too,  the  military  expense  of  Ulster  was  only  one 
twelfth  of  the  general  military  cost;  and  of  twenty-five  regiments  in 
Ireland,  only  two  were  stationed  in  that  province,  while  its  population 
was  nearly  a  third  of  the  whole  population  of  the  country.' 

The  practical  efficiency  of  presbyterianism  in  Ireland  is  remarkable.* 
•  What  we  give,'  says  the  Rev.  Mr.  Denham  of  Londonderry,  '  to  the 
state  in  return  for  our  endowment  is  that  sound  christian  education, 
which  secures  the  peace  and  the  prosperity  of  the  country,  and 
secures  it,  too,  at  an  expense  vastly  less  than  by  any  other  means  hith- 
erto discovered.  On  examination,  it  will  be  found,  that  the  endow- 
ment given  to  the  presbyterian  church  in  this  country,  has  been,  in 
place  of  expenditure,  a  direct  and  positive  economy.  If  you  take  up 
the  expense  of  the  constabulary  for  the  past  year,  you  will  find  it 
small  in  the  counties  of  Ulster  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  pres- 
byterians  inhabiting  those  counties.  Thus,  for  instance,  in  the  coun- 
ty of  Cavan,  where  there  are  few  presbyterians,  the  cost  of  the  con- 
stabulary to  each  inhabitant,  is  lOj-od.,  while  in  Down,  the  cost  to  each 
is  only  5yA.  In  Termanagh,  where  there  are  few  presbyterians,  the 
cost  to  each  is  ^'^;[d.,  while  in  Derry,  it  is  not  5i^d.  Again,  compar- 
ing the  cost  on  the  whole  province  with  that  on  the  other  provinces, 
it  would  be  to  each  inhabitant  of  Ulster,  73^d.,  and  to  each  in  the  rest 
of  the  kingdom,  1  s.  53^d.,  making  a  saving  in  Ulster  of  a  sum  not  less 

*  Plea  for  Presbytery,  pp.  409, 410. 


316  APPENDIX. 

than  £8S,S33  I8s.  lOd*  The  jail  expense  to  each  inhabitant  of  the 
rest  of  the  kinirdom,  is  2)^.  Thus  saving,  on  the  whole  inhabitants 
of  Ulster,  .£7138  IGs.Sd.,  making  a  saving  on  those  Iv^'o  items  of  con- 
stabulary and  jails,  of  .£9-5,972,  153.  8d.,  being  nearly  three  times  the 
amount  paid  lo  all  the  presbyterian  clergy  in  Ireland. 

'  The  unfortunate  persons  sentenced  to  transportation,  are  sent  from 
all  the  northern  counties  to  the  hulk  at  Kingstown, previous  to  embark- 
ation. Out  of  3013  who  were  there  in  the  live  ye:irs  from  1830,  only 
77  were  presbyterians,  that  is  only  1  in  every  39.  Now  each  costs 
the  government  abont  .£100,  or  on  the  whole  irumber  .£301 .300,  so  that 
here,  by  the  peculiarly  virtuous,  and  industrious,  and  peacable  habits  of 
our  people,  there  is  another  very  large  sum  saved  to  the  nation  every 
year.  Allow  me  here  lo  quote  a  sentence  from  a  letter  transmitted 
by  Lord  Normanby,  secretary  to  the  colonies,  to  a  commission  of  the 
church  of  Scotland,  dated  June,  1S39  :  'while  it  was  recently  found 
necessary  (in  New  South  Wales)  to  appoint  Episcopalian  and  Roman 
C^^holic  chaplains  for  the  jails  and  penal  settlements,  it  was  allowed 
on  all  hands,  that  there  was  no  necessity  for  the  appointment  of  pres- 
byterian chaplains  for  these  establishments,  the  number  of  criminals 
of  this  communion  in  the  colony,  being  quite  insignificant.'  In  the 
.seven  years  from  1828,  two  hundred  and  lifty-six  persons  were  hung 
in  Ireland,  while  by  a  strict  examination  of  all  the  jails  in  Ulster,  I 
liave  discovered  that  in  the  twehe  years  which  have  now  nearly 
elapsed  since  1S2S,  only  four  presbyterians  were  executed.  It  were 
evidently  impossible  to  make  any  calculation  as  to  what  each  of  these 
unfortunate  persons  cost  the  kingdom,  not  merely  in  the  retarding  of 
improvement,  and  preventing  the  flow  of  capital  into  the  country,  but 
even  in  the  mere  expense  of  apprehension,  imprisonment,  judges, 
queen's  counsel,  attornies,  executioners,  &:c.  But  the  sum  betvi-een 
the  loss  and  the  actual  expense,  must  have  been  enormous.  Yet  in 
this  item  of  expenditure,  the  presbyterian  proportion  is  so  small  as 
scarcely  to  be  named. 

'  Thus  have  I  shown,  by  a  reference  to  facts  and  figures,  that  if  the 
government  give  the  presbyterian  church  a  small  endowment,  it  is 
not  necessary  for  her,  in  order  to  make  an  honest  and  adequate  return, 
to  barter  away,  or  part  with  one  fraction  of  the  liberty  wherewith 
Christ  has  made  her  free.  She  makes  to  the  state  an  ample  return  in 
the  form  of  an  immense  saving  of  the  public  funds  secured,  and  of 
many  and  most  valuable  benefits  conferred.' 

We  may  well,  therefore,  conclude  with  Budin,  the  celebrated 
French  writer,  though  a  papist,  who  afilrms  that  the  commonwealth 
which  maintains  this  discipline,  will  certainly  flourish  in  virtue  and 
piety.f 

*  Agrain,  the  jail  expense  to  each  inlinbitant  in  Ulster,  is  If  d. 

t  III  Milton's  Prose  Wlis.  vol.  i.  p.  132.  On  the  iiiflueiiceof  Prcsliyterianism  among 
the   WaUlenses,  see  Dr.   Gilly's  Waldeiisian  Researches,  pp.  145,  189. 


NOTES. 


Episcopacy  and  Republicanism.  —  Mr.  Bartletl,  in  His  Memoirs 
of  Bishop  Butler,  speaking  of  his  plan  for  introducing  the  episcopate 
into  this  country,  says  :  (p.  123.)  'It  is  much  to  be  regretted,  that  the 
deliberations  of  the  government,  upon  this  reasonable  and  important 
measure,  should  have  terminated  without  its  adoption.  It  is  said  to 
have  been  the  opinion  of  that  distinguished  statesman,  Mr.  Pitt,  that, 
had  the  church  of  England  been  efficiently  established  in  the  United 
States,  it  was  highly  probable,  that  those  States  would  not  have  been 
separated  from  Great  Britain.'  '  We  can  easily  believe,'  adds  the 
Churchman's  Monthly  Review,  '  that,  if  this  design  had  been  carried 
into  execution,  or  if  the  noble  undertaking  of  Berkeley  had  not  been 
arrested  by  Walpole,  the  United  States  might,  at  this  day,  have  been  a 
well-ordered  possession  of  the  British  crown.' 

On  the  dangerous  influence  of  Romanism,  we  add  the  following 
article  from  the  N.  Y.  Observer,  with  the  remarks  of  Mr.  Durbin  : 

Power  of  Romanism  in  the  United  States.  —  There  is  a 
class  of  christians  and  newspapers  —  very  good  ones,  too,  in  many 
respects  —  who  treat  all  apprehensions  of  danger  to  our  country  and 
her  institutions,  from  the  spread  of  Romanism,  as  entirely  visionary. 
They  are  so  firmly  persuaded  that  Americans  can  never  regard  the 
solemn  follies  of  saint-worship,  the  mass,  absolution,  &c.,  otherwise 
than  as  ridiculous,  that  they  are  ready  to  smile  at  the  simplicity  of 
those  who  look  upon  the  growing  influence  of  papacy  as  an  object  of 
dread.  Others  are  quite  panic-struck,  in  view  of  the  open  avowal  and 
bold  defence  of  some  of  the  worst  features  of  popery  among  us. 

Our  own  view  of  this  subject  is,  perhaps,  equally  remote  from  both 
these  extremes.  While  we  would  not  indulge  alarm,  we  believe  there 
is  reason  for  ^watchfulness.  What  the  eflbrts  of  Roman  Catholics  have 
accomplished,  in  modifying  the  public  schools  of  New  York  and  Phil- 
adelphia, our  readers  already  know.  They  know,  also,  that  the  enter- 
ing wedge  of  popish  influence  will  be  inserted  in  every  seam  and 
crevice  in  the  foundation  of  that  great  protestant  republican  edifice, 
which  our  puritan  ancestors  reared  at  such  vast  expense  of  toil  and 
suffering.  The  success  of  these  eflbrts  will  be  limited  only  by  the 
want  of  ability  in  those  who  make  them.  It  may  be  well,  then,  to 
inquire,  what  is  the  relative  ability  of  Romanism  in  the  United  States  ? 

The  catholic  population  of  this  country  is  estimated  at  nearly 
one  million,  four  hundred  thousand,  and  is,  therefore,  about  one  twelfth 
of  the  numerical  strength  of  our  nation. 

Unfortunately,  the  remaining  portion  is,  and  probably  will  continue 
to  be,  divided  into  two  great  parties;  and  these  parties  are  so  nearly 
balanced,  that  Romanism  can  decide  any  question  it  chooses.  How 
this  may  be  done,  will  appear  from  the  following  facts. 

The  population  of  the  United  States  was,  in  J  840,  about  seventeen 

millions.     In  the  presidential  election  of  that  year,  the  whole  number 

of  votes  cast  was  two  millions  four  hundred  and  two  thousand  five 

hundred  and  six  ;  that  is,  more  than  every  seventh  inhabitant  was  an 

27* 


318  NOTES. 

actual  voter.  If  the  same  ratio  be  extended  to  the  catholic  popula- 
tion, it  assigns  to  them  two  hundred  thousand  votes.  What  a  tre- 
mendous power,  if  it  be  but  put  forth,  to  decide  the  balanced  elections 
of  our  country!  The  political  enthusiasm  which  animated  the  suc- 
cessful party,  in  the  election  referred  to,  was  great,  beyond  all  prece- 
dent, and  the  majority  was  the  largest  ever  known  in  our  political 
hrstory;  and  yet  it  was  only  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  It 
will  be  seen,  then,  by  comparing  this  150,000  majority  with  the 
200,000  votes  which  Catholics  can  cast,  that  Rome  may  hold  the 
balance  of  power  on  any  great  national  question,  and  still  have 
60,000  votes  to  spare ! 

And  we  may  not  flatter  ourselves  that  any  important  movement 
takes  place  here,  without  its  bearings  being  well  considered  in  the 
Vatican.  Let  an  emergency  arise,  in  v^^hich  his  Holiness  at  Rome 
shall  think  it  worth  his  while  to  interfere,  and  swift  as  a  telegraphic 
despatch  an  unseen  signal  will  be  made  across  the  ocean,  and  repeated 
over  our  land  ;  and  all  factions  and  subdivisions  among  Romanists^in 
America  will  be  merged,  and  the  w^iole  mass,  under  their  spiritual 
leaders,  will  come  up  to  the  polls  in  a  solid  phalanx.  The  great 
party  chieftains  —  whose  trade  is  politics  —  who  live  and  move  and 
have  their  being  for  objects  of  selfish  ambition  —  will  not  be  slow  to 
perceive  and  to  conciliate  this  papal  influence.  For  the  sake  of  its 
vote,  en  masse,  they  will  give  it  —  not  at  once,  but  little  by  little  —  the 
stand-points  it  demands ;  and  when  it  gains  these,  then  it  will  throw 
off  the  mask,  and  hold  up  its  proud  front,  and  ask  no  favors. 

It  is  in  this  way  that  we  fear  Romanism  will  grow  into  a  dangerous 
element  in  our  republic.  And  the  obvious  defence  of  our  country  is, 
not  in  the  nature  of  the  government,  the  present  intelligence  of  the 
people,  or  the  patriotism  of  political  men — but  in  the  life  and  activity 
of  our  Protestant  churches  ;  in  the  /eal  of  our  light-bearing  institu- 
tions of  benevolence  —  the  Bible,  Tract,  Sunday  School,  and  Mission- 
ary Societies  ;  in  the  prayers  of  the  pious  ;  and  above  all,  and  through 
all  these,  in  the  energy  of  that  Holy  Spirit,  who  is  able  to  bring  com- 
munities, as  well  as  individuals,  to  know  the  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus. 

Republicans  be  Warned.  —  JVIr.  Durbin,  the  eminent  Methodist 
minister,  now  in  England,  writes  thus  to  the  editor  of  the  Christian 
Advocate:  — '  This  question  of  Apostolic  Succession  involves  much 
more  than  the  conflict  between  the  'Established  Church'  and  the 
interests  of  dissent  in  any  and  every  form.  My  travels  on  the  conti- 
nent, and  my  observations  and  inquiries  in  England,  fully  satisfy  me, 
that  there  is  a  close  connection  between  this  claim  of  divine  exclusive 
apostolic  succession,  and  the  claim  of  monarchs  to  rule, yi^re  divinoAo 
be  'kings  by  the  grace  of  God.'  For,  beyond  all  question,  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  hierarchy  has  a  very  warm  sympathy  with  monarchy ; 
and  this  fact  has  been  well  expressed  by  '  no  bishop,  no  king.' 
Hierarchy  and  monarchy  are  about  to  make  common  cause  in 
Europe,  and  then,  if  successful,  the  match  is  to  be  applied  to  the 
explosive  elements  collecting  in  America,  in  the  form  of  foreigners, 
adopting  our  country,  but  retaining  their  European  principles,  and  in 
the  form  of  'apostolical  succession,'  by  which  men  propose  to  claim 
the  exclusive  right  to  administer  the  sacraments  of  the  church.  The 
principles  of  these  two  sympathetic  powers  are  the  same  ;  the  one 
claims  to  rule  the  church  by  a  divine  right,  and  the  other  to  rule  the 
people  jure  divino.  They  have  learned  wisdom  by  experience,  and 
neither  will  claim  to  be  supreme,  but  agree  to  be  coordinate  and  con- 
current, and  to  rule  mankind  as  their  common  patrimony.' 


INDEX. 


Adams,  Hon.  John  Quincy,  24. 

Aiton,  Dr.  Life  of  Henderson,  55, 
119,  &c. 

Anderson's  Defence  of  Presbyterian- 
ism,  252. 

Arnold,  Dr.  51. 

Allsop's  Melius  Inquirendum,  36. 

Archer,  Mr.  27. 

Arminianism  associated  with  arbi- 
trary power,  175,  176. 

Armstrong,  Rev.  C.  E.  199. 

Arnold  of  Brescia,  account  of,  105. 


B. 

Baird's   visit   to   Northern    Europe, 

113. 
Baltimore  Lit.  and  Relig-.  Magazine, 

66,  222. 
Bancroft's  Hist,  of  the  United  States, 

57,  59,  72. 
Bastwick's  Utter  Routing-,  232,  217. 
Baxter  on  Episcopacy,  17. 
Baxter's    Disputations    on    Church 

Govt.  36,  73,  227,  &c. 
Bellarmine,  1S2. 
Biblical  Repertory,  102. 
Bigotry  explained,  205. 
Bisset's  Sketch  of  Democracy,  25. 
Blackburn's  Intermediate  State,  133. 
Blair's  Waldenses,  212,  &c. 
Blondel,  242. 
Bolingbroke's  Idea  of  a  Patriot  King, 

129. 
Breckinridge  and  Hughes's  Discus- 
sion, .5(),  5S,  62,  86,  &c. 
Brooke,  Lord,  on   Episcopacy,   17, 

18,  255. 
Brooke's  Hist,  of  Religious  Liberty, 

16,  108, 109. 
Brougham's  Political  Philosophy,  23, 

24, 26, 69,  78. 


Brown's    Vindication  of  Presbyte- 
rian Ch.  Govt.  55,  80. 
Brownlee,  Dr.  182. 
Brydges,  Sir  Egerton,  115. 
Buchanan,  120. 
Bull,  Bishop,  291,  &c. 
Burgess,  Bishop,  Tracts,  288.' 
Burnet's  Hist,  of  Pi.ef  137. 


Calvinism,  republican,  51,  &c.  175. 
Calvin,  taught  the  independence  of 

the    Church   from   the    State,  95, 

124,  a  republican,  115. 
Campbell's  Vind.  of  the  Presb.  Ch. 

in  Ireland,  17. 
Candlish,  Dr.  240,  249. 
Cardwell's    Documentary     Annals, 

134. 
Carne,  McAlexander,  quoted,  19. 
Carlyle's  Lectures  on  Heroes,  lOS, 

112,  119,  &c. 
Catholicity  of  Presbytery,  271,  &c. 
Chandler,"  Dr.  Appeal,  153. 
Chandler,  Dr.  249. 
Chalmers's  Biographical  Diet.  120. 
Chalmers,  Dr.  125,  252. 
Charleston  Courier,  The,  29. 
Charleston  Gospel  Messenger,  202. 
Charlotte  Elizabeth,  158. 
Christian  Advocate,  The,  148. 
Christian  Advocate,    Southern,  148, 

&c. 
Christianity Indep.ofthe  Civil  Govt. 

The,  quoted,  16,  28. 
Christianity  not  identified  with  any 

form  of  civil  government,  13, 15,&c. 
Christianity  independent  of  the  civil 

polity,  14.  15. 
Christianitv,  its  doctrines,  republican, 

38,  &c.   ' 
Christianity,   its  institutions   repub- 
lican, 43. 


320 


INDEX. 


Christian  Register,  The,  163. 
Church,  The,  liberality  of  the  pres- 

byterian  doctrine  concerning,  2-39. 
Church,  The    Christian,  republican, 

38,  &c. 
Church  and  State,  presbyterians  se- 
cured  the    separation   of,   in   this 

country,  194,  &c. 
Churclanan"s  The,  Monthly  Review, 

74,  157,  2-55. 
Civil  government  not  identified  with 

Christianity,  13,  15,  &c. 
Claude's  Defence   of  the  Reforma- 
tion, 66,  70,  73,  &c. 
Clinton,  The  Hon.  Mr.  50. 
Coleridge's  Church  and  State,  255. 
Coleridge's  Aids  to  Reflection,  2GS. 
Collier's  Eccles.  Hist.  ISO. 
Colton's  Reasons,  255. 
Conders  Analytic  View  of  all  Relig. 

67. 
Confession  of  Faith,  15. 
Constitution,  The,  and  Canons  of  the 

Protestant  Episcopal  Ch.  by  Dr. 

Hawks,  15S,  &c. 
Cooper,  Rev.  Edward,  313. 
Corbet's  Remains,  244. 
Cotton's    Keys  of  the    Kingdom  of 

Heaven,  53. 
Crabbe's  Synonymes,  214. 
Cramp's  Text  Book  of  Popery,  ISl, 

261. 
Creeds,  republicanism  of,  SS. 
Culdees,  The,  republican,  104. 
Cummings's  Apology  for  the  Ch.  of 

Scoll.  291,  292. 


D. 
D'Aubigne's  Hist,  of  the  Ref  113. 
Dalcho's  Hist,  of  Prot,  Ep.  Ch.  in 

S.  C.  156. 
De.gerando,  Baron,  213. 
Dryden,  120,  137. 
Duffield's  Letters,  162. 
Duncan,  Dr.  209. 


Ecclesiastical  polity,  influence  of  on 
civil,  20,  21. 

Eclectic  Review,  US. 

Edinburgh  Review,  124,  12S,  211. 

Efficiency  of  presliyterianism  in  se- 
curing morality  and  preventing 
crime,  311. 

Emmons's  Wks.  Dr.  208. 

Encyclopedia  Britannica,  312. 

England,  republicanism  in,  history 
of,  127. 

t 


England,  reformation  of,  not  popular, 
128. 

England,  Bishop,  his  anti- republic- 
anism, 193,  194. 

Episcopal  Church,  The  Protestant, 
less  republican  than  the  presbyte- 
rian,  153. 

Episcopacy  and  monarchy,  essen- 
tially related,  154. 

F. 

Faber  on  the  Reformation,  174. 

Firmin's  Separation  Examined,  244. 

Forms  and  formality,  republicanism 
opposed  to,  91. 

Foreign  Conspiracy  against  the  Uni- 
ted States,  20,  188. 

Fulke,  294. 

G. 

Geneva,  its  republicanism,  113.    , 

Gillespie's  Aaron's  Rod  Blossom- 
mg,  55,  138. 

Godwin's  History  of  the  Common- 
wealth, 131. 

Graham's  Hist,  of  the  United  States, 
315. 

Guizot's  Hist,  of  Civilization,  131. 

Guthrie's  Causes  of  God's  Wrath, 
121. 

H. 

Hamilton  on  Missions,  286. 

Hamilton,  The  Papers,  25. 

Hanbury's  Memorials,  138. 

Hawks's  Constitution  and  Canons  of 
Prot.  Epis.  Ch.  171,  &c. 

Henry,  Mathew,  his  liberality,  247. 

Herschel's  Letter  to  Sibthorp,  279. 

Hewett's  Hist,  of  S.  Carolina,  62. 

High  Church  Prelacy  anti-repub- 
lican, 173,  &c. 

History  of  Switzerland,  114. 

History  of  the  Covenanters,  126, 
243. 

History,  The,  of  the  English  and 
Scotch  Presbytery,  136. 

Hodge,  Dr.  History  of  the  Presby- 
terian Church,  54,  124,  139,  291. 

Hoffman's  Anglo-Prussian  Bisho- 
pric, 179. 

Horsley,  115. 

Howe,  his  liberality,  247. 

How's  Vindication  of  the  Prot.  Ep. 
Ch.  202,  218,  &c. 

Hooker's  Eccl.  Polity,  78. 

Huber,  179. 

Hughes,  Bishop,  86,  187. 

Huss,  a  republican,  106,  107. 


INDEX. 


321 


1. 

Ibbot,  Dr.  Boyle's  Lectures,  204. 

Indiflerence,  the  doctrine  of  expos- 
ed, 206. 

Ireland,  efficiency  of  presbytery  in 
preventing-  crime  in,  31S. 

Irving,  Edward,  120,  126,  252. 


Jahn's  Hebrew  Commonwealth,  31, 
32. 

Jahn's  Archaeology^  32,  33. 

James  King,  his  writings  quoted,  121. 

Jameson's  Fundamentals  of  the  Hie- 
rarchy, 17. 

Jameson's  Cj^prianus  Isotimus,  77, 
111. 

Jefferson's  Works,  27. 

Jones,  Kev.  J.  313. 

Jones,  Rev.  William,  81. 

Junkin,  Dr.  Inaugural  Address,  89. 

Jus  Divinum  Ministerii  Evangelici, 
244. 

Jus  Divinum  Regimmis  Ecclesias- 
tici,  244. 

Justification  by  faith,  influence  of  in 
the  promotion  of  freedom,  56,  &c. 

Jus  Populi.  121. 

K. 
Keble  on  Tradition,  50. 
Kent's  Commentaries,  29,  79,  S3,  S5, 

S6. 
Knox  a  republican,  in  spirit,  119. 


Lamv's  Biblical  Apparatus,  33. 
Lancey,  Dr.  Bishop,  169,170. 
Lang,  Dr.  Religion   and  Education 

in  America,  53,  96,  97,  &c. 
Laud,  Archbishop,  on  the   Liturgy 

and  Episc.  1-36. 
Lathl)ury's  History  of  the  English 

Episcopacy,  67. 
T^atitudinarianism  exposed,  206. 
Lectures  on  the  Headship  of  Christ, 

16,  67,  86,  124. 
Liberality,  the  nature  of  explained, 

203,  &c. 
Locke  on  Government,  24,  25, 27,  33, 

84,  85,  &c. 
London  Tablet,  The,  188. 
London  Quarterly  Review,  68, 164, 

283. 
Lorimer's  Manual  of  Presbytery,  17, 

86,  233. 
Loyalty  of  Presbyterians,  16, 17, 


M. 
Macauley's  Miscellanies,  129,  &c. 
Mackenzie's  Hist,  of  the  Christ.  Ch. 

125. 
Mackintosh's  Hist,  of  England,  50,58. 
Maurice's  Kinq-dom  of  Christ,  125. 
McCrie,  Dr.  Life  of  Knox,  110. 
McCrie,  Dr.  Life  of  Melville,  20,  21, 

55,  134. 
McCrie,  on  the  Unity  of  the  Church, 

63. 
McLeod,  Rev.  John,  141. 
McLeod.  Dr.  219. 
Melville,  his   republican   character, 

and  writings,  125. 
Mennais,  Abl)e  de  la,  209. 
Methodist    Episcopal    Church,   less 

republican  than  the  Presbyterian, 

148. 
Michaelis,  33,  34. 

Milman's  Hist,  of  Christianity,  36. 
Milner's  Life  of  Watts,  138. 
Miller,  Dr.  on  the  Ministry,  55. 
Miller,  Dr.  Life  of  Dr.  Rogers,  144, 

155. 
Milton's  Prose  Wks.  17,  72,  93,  198, 

&c. 
Minorities  protected  by  presbyteri- 

anism,  88. 
Mitchell's  Letters   to  Bishop  Skin- 
ner, 252. 
Montesquieu's  Spirit  of  Laws,  23. 
Muir,  Dr.  quoted,  81,  243, 

N. 

Naphtali,  121. 

Neal's  History  of  the  Puritans,  54, 
138. 

Neander's  History  of  the  Planting  of 
Christianity,  36,  49. 

A^ewmanon  JRomanism  and  Dissent, 
291. 

Nichols,  Dr.  180. 

Nolan's  Catholic  Character  of  Chris- 
tianity, 173,  174. 

Notes  of  the  Church  Examined,  216. 

O. 

Ordination,  the  presbyterian  doctrine 
of  republican,  73,  &:c.  and  liberal, 
227,  &c. 

Our  Liberties  Defended,  18S.  • 

Owen,  Dr.  54. 

Oxford  Tracts,  205,  255. 


Pallet's  Def  of  Presb.  Ch.  Govt.  76, 
232. 


322 


INDEX. 


Palmer  on  the  Church,  209. 

Parliamentary  Committee  on  the  ef- 
ficiency of  presbytery,  314. 

Pascal's  "Thoughts,  25. 

Patrick  Welwood,  12(3. 

Paul,  Father,  Hist,  of  Benefices,  36. 

Perceval's  Roman  Schism,  201. 

Pictorial  History  of  England,  lOS. 

Poj)ery,  on  the  anti-republicanism 
of,  ISl,  &c.;  illiberality  of,  257  ; 
anathematizing  spirit  of,  261 ;  not 
catholic,  2S1. 

Powell,  Professor,  of  Oxford,  23S. 

Predestination,*influence  of  on  free- 
dom, 59,  60. 

Prelacy  and  monarchy  essentially 
connected,  156  ;  Romish  and  An- 
ghcan,  the  illibcralily  of,  254,  &c.; 
indiflerent  to  truth  and  bigoted  as 
to  forms,  255  ;  not  catholic,  2S1. 

Prelates,  opposition  to  in  America, 
155. 

Presbytery,  the  term  defined,  13  ; 
what  denominations  are  included 
under  it,  13,  52,  53  ;  republican  in 
its  doctrines,  54,  175,  &c.;  neither 
a  monarchy,  nor  an  aristocracy,  61 ; 
republican  in  its  principles.  G5  ; 
in  its  doctrine  of  the  ministry,  67  ; 
and  ruling  elders,  75  ;  in  its  eccle- 
siastical judicatories,  79  ;  in  its  his- 
tory, ch.  iii.  ;  more  republican  than 
other  forms  of  polity,  ch.  iv.;  catho- 
licity of,  271,  &c. 

Presbyterian  Church,  liberality  of, 
215  ;  not  persecuting,  231  ;  both 
liberal  and  orthodox,  239. 

Presbyterian  Review,  The,  lOS,  124, 
252. 

Presbyterianism  Defended,  quoted, 
53. 

Preston,  The  Hon.  Mr.  28. 

Price,  Dr.  Hist  of  Protestant  Non- 
conf  63,  1.32,  1.36, 175,  &c. 

Pridham's  Church  Reform,  302. 

Pritchard's  Researches,  32. 

Prynne's  Lordly  English  Prelacy,  17. 

Pulpit,  power  of  the,  in  promoting 
freedom,  5-5. 

Puritans,  The,  their  renublicanism, 
128,  129,  &c. 

Pusey,  Dr.  293. 

Q. 

Questions  and  Answers  on  the  Me- 
thodist Protestant  Church,  19. 


Reformation,  The,  the  development 
of  repubhcanism,  108. 


Reid,  Dr.  Hist,  of  Presb.  Ch.  in  Ire- 
land, 138. 

Reed,  Mr.  William  B.  143,  146. 

Republic  defined,  23. 24. 

Republicanism,  the  principles  of, 
2:3,  &c. 

Rice,  Dr.  Illustrations  of  the  Char, 
and  Cond.  of  the  Prcsb.  Ch.  103. 

Rice,  Dr.  Evang.  Magazine,  01. 

Rice,  Dr.  Considerations  on  Relig. 
142. 

Riddle's  Christian  Antiquities,  49. 

Riddle's  Eccles   Chronology,  35. 

Rogers's  Life  of  Howe,  138. 

Romish  Church,  The,  not  Catholic, 
281. 

Ruling  Elders,  The  ofllce  of,  repub- 
lican, 75,  &c. 

Rutherford's  Lex  Rex,  121. 

Rutherford's  Plea,  138. 


Sacraments,  liberality  of  the  presby- 
terian  doctrine  on,  224,  &c. 

Schism,  by  Dr.  Hoppus,  242. 

Scott,  Rev.  Thomas,  133. 

Scott's  Continuation  of  Milner,  113. 

Scottish  Christian  Herald,  55. 

Scotland,  republican  party  and  spirit 
in,  125,  126  ;  efficiency  of  presby- 
tery in,  318,  &c. 

Seeker,  Archbishop,  154. 

Second  Book  of  Disciphne,  The,  15. 

Shakspeare,  257. 

Shield's  Hind  Let  Loose,  121. 

Soames's  Elizab.  Rel.  Hist.  138. 

South's  Sermons,  ISO. 

Southey's  Book  of  the  Church,  180. 

Spring,  Dr.  Obligations  of  the 
World  to  the  Bible,  34,  50,  51. 

Strype,  136. 

Swift,  Dean,  Sermons,  136. 

Sydney,  Algernon,  26,  31,  33, 147. 

Syon's  Royal  Prerogative,  22. 

T. 

Taylor's  Ancient  Christianity,  169. 

Tavlor,  Isaac,  Spiritual  Despotism, 
138. 

Taylor,  Isaac,  Pref  to  Life  of  Luther, 
57. 

Taylor,  Dr.  Biog.  of  the  Age  of 
Elizabeth,  117,  133. 

The  Case  of  the  Accommodation 
Examined,  161. 

The  Church  in  the  Army,  313. 

Tocqueville's  Democracy  in  Amer- 
ica, 19,  22,  23,  25,  29,  30,  75.  &c. 

Toplady,  311,  314. 

Turretine,  242. 


323 


u. 

United  States,  the  republicanism  of 
owing  greatly  to  presbyterians, 
138,  &c. 

Universal  suffrage,  found  in  presby- 
terianism,  SS. 


Vail's  Comprehensive  Church,  19. 
Vaughan's  Life  of  Wicklifle,  IOC). 
Vaughan's,   Dr.  Congregationalism, 

25,  54. 
Villers  on  the  Reformation,  25,  07, 

92,  &c. 
Virginia,  Synod  of,  their  resolutions 

on  liberality,  220,  &c. 

W. 

Waddington's  Church  History,  36. 
Webster,  Hon.  Daniel,  50. 


Welles,  Rev.  Noah,  liberality  of,24S. 
Whateley.  Archbishop,  Charges  and 

Tracts,  208. 
Whaleley's  Bampton  Lectures,  208, 

211. 
Whatelev's    Christianity   Independ. 

of  the  Civil  Power,  208. 
Whateley's  Kingdom  of  Christ,  211. 
White,  Rev.  Hugh,  312. 
AVhite,  Bishop,  19,  36,  90,  155. 
Whitgift,  Archbishop.  159. 
Wicklifle,  a  republican,  106,  107. 
Wilson,  Dr.  Mem.  of  Bishop  White, 

155. 
Wilson,  Bishop,  Sacra  Privata,  164. 
Wilson's    Hist.  Inq.  concerning  the 

English  Presbyterians,  245. 
Woodgate's  Bampton  Lect.  138, 179 
Wragg's    Poem    on    '  The    Deity,' 

211. 


FINIS 


THE 

PRELATICAL   DOCTRINE 

OF 

APOSTOLICAL    SUCCESSION 

EXAMINED, 

AND     THE     PROTESTANT     MINISTRY    DEFENDED     AGAINST    THB 
ASSUMPTIONS     OF     POPERY    AND    HIGH     CHURCHISM, 

In  a  Series  of  Lectures. 

BY    THOMAS    SMYTH, 

Pastor  of  the  Second  Presbyterian  Church,  Charleston,  S.  C. 


CRITICAL     NOTICES 


Overture  adopted  by  the  Synod  of  S.  Carolina  and  Geo.  at  its  session  in  1841. 

That  the  publication  of  works  intended  to  advocate  the  distinctive  order  and 
polity  of  our  church  should  be  encourag-ed,  and  their  circulation  among  our 
people  rendered  as  general  as  possible  ;  and  it  having  come  to  the  knowledge  of 
this  Synod,  that  one  of  their  number,  the  Rev.  Thomas  Smythj  of  Charleston, 
has  recently  given  to  the  Church,  among  other  valuable  publications,  '  An  Eccle- 
siastical Catechism  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  for  the  use  of  Families,  Bible 
Classes,  and  Private  Members,' — and  a  series  of  lectures  on  'The  Prelatical 
Doctrine  of  Apostolical  Succession  Examined,  and  the  Protestant  Ministry 
Defended  against  the  Assumptions  of  Popery  and  High-Churchism.'  Therefore, 
Resolved,  That  the  Synod  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  regard  with  pleasure 
and  approbation  these  publications,  as  containing  an  able  defence  of  the  divine 
authority  of  the  Protestant  Ministry,  and  a  full  and  satisfactory  exposition  of  the 
order  and  government  of  our  Church  ;  and  as  demanded  by  the  present  state  of 
the  controversy  on  these  subjects.  And  the  Synod  does,  therefore,  cordially 
recommend  the  said  publications  to  all  our  Ministers,  Elders,  and  private  mem- 
bers, as  works  of  high  value,  and  calculated  to  advance  the  intelligence  of  our 
Church,  on  our  distinctive  peculiarities  and  doctrines. 

Extract  from  a  review  of  the  work  in  the  Biblical  Repertory,  for  Jan'y,  1841 . 

'  This  book  does  no  small  credit  to  the  industry  and  talent  of  the  author.  The 
importance  of  his  subject,  the  correctness  of  his  views,  and  the  abundance  of 
materials  which  he  seems  to  have  had  at  his  command,  entitle  his  performance  to 
the  most  respectful  notice.  The  author's  mind  is  not  only  strong  but  lively,  and 
his  book  exhibits  traces  of  both  qualities.  The  natund,  (and  may  we  not  say,) 
national,  vivacity  with  which  he  seizes  on  his  topics  and  discusses  them, 
enlivens  in  a  very  satisfactory  degree  even  those  parts  of  the  subject  which 
might  otherwise  have  proved  most  irksome  and  fatiguing.  In  a  word,  the  book, 
(which  by  the  way  is  elegantly  printed,)  may  be  freely  commended  to  the  favor- 
able notice  of  the  public  ;  and  we  doubt  not  that  wherever  it  is  read  it  will  be 
useful,  in  apprising  those  who  read  it  what  the  high  church  doctrine  really  is,  and 
on  what  grounds  it  may  be  most  triumphantly  and  easily  refuted.' 


2  CKITICAL     NOTICES. 

From  the  Southern  Christian  Advocate. 

'  Wc  have  the  pleasure  to  announce  the  probal)le  publication  of  these  Lec- 
tures at  no  distant  day.  As  far  as  opportunity  has  allowed  it,  we  have  attended 
Mr.  Smyth's  course,  and  been  both  pleased  and  edified.  Pleased,  in  witnessing 
a  fine  combination  of  candor,  kindness,  and  strength,  in  the  discussion  of  difficult 
and  soul-rousing  questions.  Edified,  in  listening  to  a  vigorous  discussion  of 
important  first  principles,  where  the  lecturer  was  master  of  his  thesis,  and 
backed  his  reasoning  by  extensive  authority  of  the  highest  value  in  this  contro- 
versy. This  volume,  in  which  the  Prelatic  Doctrine  of  Apostolical  Succession 
i£  considered,  will  be  highly  valuable  to  the  theological  student.' 

From  the  Christian  Intelligencer,  of  the  Reformed  Dutch  Church,  N.  Y. 

*  This  is  an  exceedingly  neat  volume  of  five  hundred  and  sixty-eight  pages, 
beautiful  in  its  mechanical  execution,  and  upon  a  subject  of  grave  and  exciting 
importance.  The  work  is  seasonable,  and  from  the  cursory  examination  which 
we  have  as  vet  been  able  to  give  to  it,  we  believe  that  it  will  prove  to  be  exceed- 
ingly valuable.  The  work  before  us,  at  the  present  crisis,  is  seasonable  and 
necessary.  It  is  more  ample  in  its  discussion  than  any  that  preceded  it.  It  is 
the  result  of  much  and  patient  research,  and  will  be  found  to  reflect  credit  alike 
upon  the  talents  and  learning,  and  we  will  add  also,  the  temper  of  the  author. 
He  has  rendered  the  Protestant  community  a  debtor.  We  desire  that  the  work 
may  have  the  widest  circulation,  and  receive  the  careful  perusal  both  of  Episco- 
palians and  Christians  of  every  other  name.' 

From  the  Christian  Advocate  and  Journal,  of  the  Methodist  Church,  N.  Y. 

'  This  is  a  large  octavo  volume.  The  author  makes  thorough  work  of  his 
subject,  examining  the  pretensions  of  Prelacy  with  care  and  candor,  and  expos- 
ing their  fallacy  with  unanswerable  force  and  perspicutity.  He  gives  the  claims 
which  are  set  up  by  Popery  and  High-Churchmen  in  their  own  language,  and 
refutes  them  by  arguments  drawn  from  reason,  church  history,  and  Scripture. 
The  Christian  world  seems  to  be  waked  up  anew  to  the  high  and  exclusive 
claims  of  Prelacy  by  the  astounding  assumptions  of  the  Oxford  divines ;  and 
we  admit  that  such  a  book  as  that  before  us  seems  to  be  called  for  by  the  occa- 
sion, and  will  no  doubt  be  read  with  great  interest.' 

From  the  New  York  Evangelist. 

'  A  large  and  elegant  octavo  volume,  on  a  most  important  topic.  Its  object  is 
the  examination  of  the  claims  of  the  Popish  hierarchy,  and  of  that  portion  of  the 
clergy  and  laity  of  the  Episcopal  Church  which  sympathizes  with  tliem,  to  the 
exclusive  right  to  the  functions  and  privileges  of  the  Christian  ministry  and 
Church.  These  claims,  always  unscriplural,  have  of  late  assumed  new  arro- 
gance and  vigor,  by  the  brief  currency  of  the  Oxford  publications,  and  the 
greatly  quickened  zeal  of  the  Papacy  among  us.  The  time  has  certainly  arrived 
when  their  exclusive  notions  should  he  subjected  to  the  searching  test  of  reason 
and  scripture.  If  there  are  those  among  us  who  will  vanntingly  assume  that  theirs 
is  the  only,  the  valid  ministry,  that  with  them  are  to  be  found  the  only  author- 
ized ordinances  of  salvation,  that  there  is  no  safety  but  within  the  pale  of  their 
own  denomination ;  let  their  pretensions  be  sifted,  and  the  emptiness  of  their 
claims  be  exposed  by  the  clear  light  of  truth.  That  such  a  contest  with  the 
principle  of  Prelacy  is  yet  to  be  M'aged,  and  thnt  it  is  to  be  abandoned,  there  can 
be  no  doubt.  We  hail  every  eftbrt  to  throw  light  upon  the  subject  Mr.  Smyth 
has  entered  vigorously  upon  the  field  of  controversy,  and  has  spared  neither 
pains  or  strength  to  do  it  justice.  He  has  gone  over  the  whole  ground  in  a  more 
extended  manner  than  any  writer  before  him  in  this  country,  and  in  an  able 
manner.' 

From  The  Presbyterian. 

'  The  volume  before  us  contains  a  very  full  and  minute  discussion  of  the  doc- 
trine indicated  in  its  title,  and  is  to  be  followed  by  another  which  will  vindicate 
the  claims  of  Presbyterianism.     The   necessity  of  the  work  arises  from  the 


CRITICAL     NOTICES.  9 

increasing  boldness  and  arrogance  with  which  the  Episcopal  Church  obtrudes 
its  claims  as  the  only  true  church,  with  the  only  valid  ordinances,  and  the  only 
divinely  constituted  ministry.  As  to  the  manner  in  which  he  has  accomplished 
his  task,  we  are  disposed  to  Judge  very  favorably,  from  the  necessarily  partial 
manner  in  which  we  iiave  been  able  to  examine  his  work.  He  has  acquired  a 
clear  and  distinct  view  of  the  question  discussed  in  all  its  bearings,  and  to  each 
specific  point  he  has  brought  a  mind  stored  with  the  fruits  of  extensive  reading. 
AVe  have  admired  the  extent  of  his  research,  and  his  diligence  in  learning  all 
that  had  been  said  by  preceding  writers  which  could  throw  light  on  the  discus- 
sion ;  and  indeed  we  have  rather  regarded  him  as  too  redundant  in  his  authorities  ; 
a  fault,  by  the  \vay,  not  often  committed  in  this  age  of  jumping  at  conclusions. 
Mr.  Smyth  states  the  question  of  Apostolic  succession,  so  much  in  the  mouth  of 
modern  Episcopalians,  and  he  views  it  in  all  possible  lights,  weighs  it  in  just 
balances,  and  pronounces  it  wanting.  He  not  only  proves  that  the  assumption 
is  uascriptural  and  unreasonable,  but  he  traces  the  boasted  succession,  and 
shows  its  broken  links,  and  finds  after  all  the  riourish  of  trumpets,  that  prelatisis 
are  glorj-ing  in  a  mere  shadow.  He  carries  the  war,  moreover,  into  the  enemy's 
camp,  and  he  carries  oft"  many  trophies.  Mr.  Smyth  is  undoubtedly  an  able 
controversialist,  and  prelatists  will  find  him  well  armed  at  all  points,  if  they  are 
disposed  to  attack.' 

From  the  Southern  Christian  Adrocate. 

*  The  work  before  us  is,  we  believe,  the  first  distinct  treatise  published  in  this 
country  on  the  subject  of  the  Apostolical  Succession,  and  in  opposition  to  iU 
arrogant  assumptions.  A  very  ably  argued  and  well  written  work  has  been 
recently  given  to  the  English  public,  entitled  'An  Essay  on  Apostolical  Succes- 
sion,' by  the  Rev.  Thomas  Powell,  a  Wesleyan  minister,  of  which  Mr.  Smyth 
makes  honorable  mention.  We  consider,  therefore,  the  publication  of  these 
Lectures  as  a  valuable  contribution  to  the  religious  literature  of  the  time, 
demanded  withal  by  the  claims  of  that  portion  of  our  common  Christianity, 
which  is  so  unfortunate  as  to  have  no  participation  in  the  anointing  oil  of  pre- 
latical  consecration,  and  which  lies  beyond  the  range  of  apostolico-succession- 
covenant  blessing.  Mr.  Smyth  has  executed  his  task  in  a  candid,  kind,  and 
courteous  spirit,  while  he  has  subjected  the  theory  of  Apostolical  Succession  to 
the  scrutiny  of  a  thorough,  extensive,  and  fearless  examination.  Iimumerable 
authorilies  are  cited,  and  a  copious  index  concludes  the  volume,  which  embraces 
upwards  of  five  hundred  and  sixty-nine  pages,  and  is  gotten  up  in  the  finest 
fijiish  of  the  typographical  art.' 

From  the  Charleston  Observer. 

*  Notice  was  taken  of  these  Lectures  while  in  course  of  delivery.  They  are 
now  published,  and  with  the  notes,  which  contain  as  much  reading  as  the  text, 
make  a  large  volume  of  five  hundred  and  sixty-eight  pages.  The  typographical 
execution  is  in  the  best  modern  style,  from  the  press  of  Crocker  and  Brewster, 
Boston.  Our  design,  at  present,  is  simply  to  apprise  our  readers  that  the  work 
is  published,  intending  at  our  leisure  to  give  it  a  more  formal  notice.  As  the 
basis  of  the  opinion  controverted,  rests  upon  what  is  familiarly  known  as  the 
Apostolical  Succession,  it  is  here  that  the  author  has  exhibited  his  chief  strength. 
And  were  we  to  say  that  he  has  made  good  his  position,  it  miijlit  be  regarded  as 
only  a  judgment  expressed  in  accordance  with  previously  existin?  prejudices  in 
its  favor.  But  we  hope,  on  the  other  hand,  that  none  will  undertake  to  condemn 
it  unread.  The  advocates  of  High-Churchism,  whether  Roman  or  Anglican, 
are  chiefly  concerned  in  the  discussion,  and  possibly  they  may  find  in  the  work 
something  that  will  moderate  their  exclusive  zeal,  and  lead  them  to  the  exercise 
of  more  charity  for  the  opinions  of  those  from  whom  they  differ.' 

From  The  Presbyterian. 

'  Mr.  Editor:  —  I  ask  room  in  your  paper  to  commend  this  work  to  the  attention 
of  the  ministers  and  intelligent  laymen  of  our  Church.  If  there  be  any  among 
them  who  doubt  whether  a  work  of  this  sort  was  called  f)r,  their  doubts  will 
not  survive  the  reading  of  the  first  Lecture,  entitled  '  The  Necessity  for  an  Exam- 


4  CRITICAL    NOTICKS. 

ination  into  the  Prelatical  Doctrine  of  Apostolical  Succession.'  The  discussion, 
therefore,  in  which  Mr.  Smyth  has  embarked,  was  provoked  by  the  growing 
disposition  among  High-Church  Episcopalians,  to  unchurch  the  Presbyterian 
body,  and  challenge  exclusive  salvation  to  the  members  of  churches  under 
Diocesan  Bishops.  His  work  is  not  an  attack,  but  a  defence  —  a  defence  con- 
ducted with  great  ability  and  skill.  I  venture  to  commend  it  to  the  notice  of 
your  readers,  because  I  am  satisfied  they  will  be  instructed  and  profited  by  the 
perusal  of  it.  The  lectures  are  evidently  the  result  of  much  study,  and  very 
extensive  research.  No  single  volume  I  have  seen,  contains  such  a  mass  of 
authorities  and  seasonable  testimonies,  on  the  Prelatical  controversy  as  this 
work.  It  is  equally  creditable  to  the  author's  talents  and  industry,  that  he  should 
have  found  time  to  prepare,  in  the  midst  of  his  pastoral  duties,  an  octavo  of 
five  hundred  and  fifty  pages,  on  a  subject  requiring  so  much  study,  and  involv- 
ing an  examination  of  several  hundred  distinct  works  on  either  side  of  the  con- 
troversy. Such  labors  ought  not  to  go  unrequited  ;  but  his  brethren  will  be  ren- 
dering themselves  and  the  cause  of  truth  a  substantial  service,  by  placing  it  in 
their  libraries  :  and  it  is  for  this  reason  that  their  attention  is  invited  to  it  by  one 
w^ho  has  no  other  concern  in  it  than  that  which  is  common  to  every  Presbyterian.' 

From  the  New  York  Observer. 

'  A  formidable  volume  this  is  in  appearance,  and  on  this  very  account  will 
repel  many  who  might  otherwise  be  attracted  to  examine  its  pages.  In  a  course 
of  twenty-one  lectures  the  author  has,  with  great  industry  and  research,  and  no 
mean  ability  as  a  controversialist,  examined  the  question  before  him,  and  pre- 
sented, in  "the  compass  of  a  single  book,  a  mass  of  testimony  that  must  be  of 
value  to  those  whose  time  and  means  will  not  allow  them  to  pursue  the  investi- 
gation through  all  the  original  sources,  which  Mr  Smyth  has  so  perseveringly 
explored.' 

From  the  Watchman  of  the  South. 

'  We  offer  a  few  general  remarks  at  present,  intending  at  an  early  day  to 
notice  them,  or  at  least  that  last  named,  far  more  fully  than  we  usually  do.  One 
thing  must  strike  every  one  who  knows  the  history  of  the  author  of  these  works. 
We  refer  to  his  industry.  Without  very  firm  bodily  health,  and  having  a  very 
laborious  pastoral  charge,  he  still  economizes  time  sufficient  to  bring  out,  through 
the  press,  from  time  to  time,  important  contributions  to  the  cause  he  loves  This 
is  as  it  should  be.  Mr.  Smyth  is,  of  course,  a  grouping  minister.  His  influence 
and  usefulness  are  constantly  extending.  It  is  also  obvious  to  any  one  who 
reads  Mr.  Smyth's  works,  that  he  has,  or  has  the  use  of  a  very  good  library,  and 
is  a  man  of  no  mean  learning.  His  works  show  the  importance  of  ministers' 
salaries  being  such  as  to  enable  them  to  'give  themselves  to  reading.'  But  Mr. 
Smyth  is  not  a  mere  reader.  He  arranges  and  uses  what  he  reads.  His  char- 
acter as  a  writer  rises  every  year.  Mr.  Smyih  is  also  ardently  attached  to  Pres- 
byterianism.     Further  remarks  may  be  expected  in  a  week  or  two.' 

From  the  Charleston  Courier. 

'  We  would  call  the  attention  of  all  those  who  profess  any  regard  for  the 
literary  character  of  our  southern  community,  to  a  work  recently  published  by 
our  esteemed  fellow-townsman,  the  Rev.  Thomas  Sinyth,  entitled  '  Lectures  on 
the  Apostolical  Succession.'  ^Vhatever  may  be  the  opinion  of  the  intelligent 
reader  on  the  subjects  of  which  it  treats,  he  will  acknowledge  it  to  be  a  striking 
example  of  extensive  and  profound  research,  and  most  diligent  investigation. 
The  author  appears  to  have  enjoyed  some  remarkable  advantages  in  the  prose- 
cution of  his  inquiries.  Possessing,  as  he  does,  one  of  the  best  private  libraries  in 
this  country — probably  the  most  complete  in  the  theological  department — he  has 
had  access  to  an  immense  mass  of  authorities,  not  usually  within  the  reach  of 
the  American  scholar,  and  his  abundant  and  voluminous  references  make  his 
hook  an  absolute  index  for  the  u-^e  of  future  writers.  His  industrj-,  indeed,  has 
left  but  scanty  glennings,  as  it  would  appear,  for  any  who  may  desire  to  follow 
him  in  this  discussion.  His  style  is  easy  and  animated,  and  the  interest  of  the 
reader  is  kept  up,  without  flagging,  through  an  octavo  of  nearly  six  hundred 


\ 


34^0 


^ 


»-!' 


CRITICAL     NOTICES. 


pages.  We  hope  the  success  of  this  highly  creditable  effort  may  be  such  as  to 
induce  the  learned  and  reverend  author  10  complete  his  task,  by  giving  promptly 
to  the  public  the  second  volume  of  his  course,  promised  in  his  preface.' 

From  the  Christian  Observer. 

*  From  a  cursory  examination  of  this  work,  we  think  it  well  adapted  to 
accomplish  the  good  purposes  for  which  it  is  designed  It  exposes  and  refutes 
the  extravagant  assumptions  of  High- Churchmen,  who  claim  to  be  the  succes- 
sors of  the  apostles  in  the  ministry,  exclusive  of  all  those  who  reject  their  views 
of  Prelacy.  The  work  is  worthy  of  a  more  extended  notice,  which  shall  be 
given  at  an  early  day.' 

From  the  Christian  Watchman.    (Boston  — a  Baptist  paper.) 

'  This  volume  has  lain  on  our  table  a  considerable  time,  to  enable  us  to  give  it 
such  an  examination  as  the  subject  and  the  merits  of  the  book  demand.  The 
discussion  throughout  is  conducted  with  candor,  impartiality,  and  kindness  ;  and 
displays  no  small  share  of  ability,  learning,  and  diligent  research.  It  is  deci- 
dedly the  most  able  and  thorough  vindication  of  the  Presbyterian  view  of  the 
subject  which  we  have  ever  seen.  The  discussion,  too,  is  timely,  when  Epis- 
copal poper>-  is  receiving  a  new  impulse  from  the  Oxford  writers,  whose  senti- 
ments find  so  much  sympathy  even  in  our  own  land.  We  commend  the  book, 
therefore,  to  the  attention  of  our  brethren  in  the  ministry,  not  as  taking  in  every 
instance  that  ground  which  we,  as  Baptists  and  Independents  should  prefer  to 
see  taken,  but  as  an  able  detbnce  of  the  truth,  and  an  extensive  collection  of 
authorities  and  facts.' 

From  the  Christian  Examiner  and  General  Review,  (Boston,)  Nov.  1841. 

'  We  by  no  means  intend  to  intimate  that  the  work  is  ill-timed  or  superfluous. 
Such  is  not  our  opinion.  We  believe  it  will  do  good.  It  will  meet  the  new 
phase  of  the  controversy,  and  supply  what  we  have  no  doubt  is,  in  some  parts  of 
our  country,  a  pressing  want.  Even  the  greatest  absurdities,  iterated  and  reit- 
erated in  a  tone  of  unblushing  confidence,  will  gain  some  adherents.  Besides, 
the  old  treatises  on  the  subject  are  in  a  manner  inaccessible  to  the  general  reader, 
and  will  produce  a  deeper  impression,  even  if  it  be  not  more  applicable,  which 
in  ordinary  cases  it  will  be,  to  the  state  of  the  times.  The  present  volume  we 
regard  as  not  only  suited  to  the  times,  but  in  itself  a  production  of  no  trifling 
merit.  It  indicates  great  industry,  and  no  little  research  on  the  part  of  the 
writer,  and  its  statements  appear,  from  such  an  examination  as  we  have  been 
able  to  give  it,  entitled  to  confidence.  .  .  .  There  is  an  earnestness,  good 
temper  and  thoroughness  which  mark  the  work,  %vhich  we  like,  and  we  can 
very  cordially  commend  it  to  the  attention  of  all  who  feel  an  interest  in  the 
subject.' 

From  the  Southern  Quarterly  Review. 

*  This  is  one  of  the  ablest  works  of  theological  controversy,  that  has  appeared 
during  the  present  century,  and  we  are  happy  to  be  able  to  add  that  it  is  the  pro- 
duction of  a  Charleston  clergyman.  .  .  .  We  say  then,  in  the  outset,  that  the 
Presbyterian  church  has,  in  our  opinion,  in  the  author  of  the  work  before  us,  a 
powerful  champion,  who  wields  a  polished  pen,  and  one  who  seems  to  be  emi- 
nently fitted,  by  his  learning,  his  talents,  and  his  industry,  to  maintain  manfully 
the  cause  he  has  espoused.  We  have  read  his  book  with  deep  interest,  and  with 
great  respect  for  his  ability,  and  the  general  candor  and  fairness  of  his  argu- 
ments.'   [April,  1S4.3  :  pp  5:34—537. 

From  the  Magnolia,  a  Literary  Magazine  and  Monthly  Review. 

'  The  Doctrine  of  Apostolical  Succession  is  here  examined  in  an  elaborate 
course  of  Lectures,  twenty-one  in  number,  by  the  Rev.  Tlios.  Smyth,  Pastor  of 
the  Second  Presbyterian  Church  in  Charleston.  It  is  not  within  our  province  to 
examine  them.  We  can  say  nothing,  therefore,  of  the  question  which  Mr. 
Smyth  discusses.     No  doubt  he  discusses  it  ably.     He  certainly  discusses  it  ear- 


6  CRITICAL     NOTICES, 

nestly.  He  is  ingrenious  and  forcible,  and  displays  a  wonderful  deal  of  industry 
and  researcii.  Here  jiow  is  an  octavo  of  near  six  Imndred  pages,  brimful  of 
study,  and  crowded  with  authorities.  We  perceive  that  Mr.  Smyth  wins  the 
plaudit '  well  done,'  from  numerous  high  sources,  advocating  the  same  doctrine 
with  himself.  They  seem  to  think  that  his  argument  has  done  ample  justice  to 
his  subject ;  and  we  may  add,  so  far  as  we  have  been  able  to  examine  it,  that  it 
has  been  urged  in  a  candid  and  Christian  temper.' 

From ,  Attorney  General  in  the  State  of  — — . 

'  Your  Lectures  I  read  with  the  highest  satisfaction,  and  take  great  pleasure  in 
acknowledging  the  obligations  which  I  tliink  the  friends  of  Christian  truth,  reli- 
gious liberty,  and  I  will  add,  of  the  pure  undefiled  gospel,  owe  to  you  for  them. 
Your  vindication  of  the  Church,  by  which  I  mean  the  humble  followers  of  our 
Lord,  by  whatever  name  called,  from  the  claims  of  usurped  ecclesiastical  domi- 
nation, seems  to  me  to  be  complete ;  and  whilst  you  have,  in  succession, 
destroyed  and  dissipated  every  ground  of  doubt  on  the  subject,  in  the  minds  of 
the  unprejudiced,  your  extensive  and  enlightened  research  and  discrimination, 
have  enabled  you  to  furnish  an  armory,  where  every  one  may  supply  himself 
with  weapons  for  defence  against  individual  attack.  Nor  am  I  less  gratified  with 
the  candid  and  charitable  tone  and  temper  with  which  your  views  are  propounded, 
than  with  the  overwhelming  mass  of  argument  and  illustration  by  which  they 
are  demonstrated.  Your  lectures  seem  to  me  to  have  been  written  in  a  truly 
Christian  spirit ;  and  if  they  have  been  cavilled  at  on  that  ground,  it  can  only  be 
because  men  always  feel  attacks  upon  their  prejudices  to  be  unkind.' 

From  the  New  England  Puritan. 

*  This  large  octavo,  of  five  hundred  and  sixty-eight  pages,  is  a  highly  seasona- 
ble offering  to  the  Protestant  Churches  of  our  country,  and  displays  an  amount 
of  learning,  of  research,  of  skill  and  power  in  argument,  of  fertility  in  illustration, 
of  combined  candor  and  earnestness  of  spirit,  rarely  to  be  met  with  in  any  volume 
either  of  home  or  foreign  origin.  We  have  not  had  it  in  hand  long  enough  to 
master  the  whole  of  its  contents  —  but  long  enough  to  be  satisfied  of  its  happy 
adaptation  to  the  sad  times  on  which  we  have  fallen,  and  of  the  richness  of  the 
treasures  it  offers  to  the  acceptance  of  the  true  friends  of  Christ.  The  volume 
before  us,  though  perfectly  calm  and  candid  in  its  discussions,  leaves  this  matter 
plain  as  sunlight.  More  formidable  foes  to  Christ  and  his  apostles  are  not  to  be 
found  amid  all  the  tribes  of  religious  errorists,  than  those  arrayed  beneath  the 
banners  of  Popery  and  High  Churchism.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  our  brethren  in 
the  ministry  will  avail  themselves  of  the  labors  of  Mr.  Smyth,  to  become 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  this  imposing  form  of  error,  and  arm  themselves 
with  '  panoply  divine  '  to  meet  it  and  confound  it,  ere  it  attains  the  preeminence 
to  which  it  aspires,  and  which,  unresisted,  it  will  inevitably  attain.' 

From  the  Boston  Recorder. 

'  This  is  truly  an  elaborate  work.  Our  attention  has  been  but  recently  called, 
in  a  special  manner,  to  its  contents,  but  our  highest  expectations  of  the  candor 
and  al)ility  of  the  discussion  have  been  more  than  satisfied.  The  object  of  the 
author's  animadversion  is  not  episcopacy,  as  such;  but  the  arrogant  and  exclu- 
sive claim  of  High  Churchmen  and  Romanists  to  he  the  only  true  Church  of 
Christ ;  his  only  real  ministers,  an  I  the  '  only  sources  of  efficacious  ordinances 
and  covenanted  salvation.'  The  volume  is  eminently  appropriate  to  the  times, 
and,  if  read  with  a  sincere  desire  for  the  truih.  must,  we  think,  prove  an  imme- 
diate corrective  of  any  tendencies  towards  the  Church  of  England  or  of  Rome.' 

From  the  Christian  World,  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stockton,  of  the  Protestant 

Methodist  Church. 

'The  Lectures  which  have  led  us  to  these  remarks,  are  a  valuable  addition  to 

religious  literature,  and  more  particularly,  the  polemical  department  of  it.     They 

number  twenty-one,  and  fill  a  handsome  volume  of  five  hundred  and  fifty  pages. 

The  chief  aim  of  the  author  has  been  to  test  the  prelatical  doctrine  by  Scripture, 


CRITICAL    N0TICB8.  7 

hislorj',  and  facts  —  to  exhibit  its  popish,  intolerant,  unreasonable,  and  suicidal 
character,  and  to  show  that  it  has  been  condemned  by  the  best  autliorilies.  The 
latter  part  of  the  work  is  devoted  to  a  consideration  of  Schism,  and  to  a  discus- 
sion of  the  true  doctrine  of  Apost(jlical  Saccession  The  plan  covers  the  whole 
subject  —  the  execution  is  well  managed.  It  is  bold,  but  temperate  —  fearless, 
but  not  reckless  —  a  fine  specimen  of  good  tactics  in  a  defensive  war.  As  a  text- 
book it  is  worthy  of  high  commendation,  abounding  as  it  does  in  copious  extracts, 
and  presenting  the  views  of  all  our  standard  authors.  It  is  a  focal  point  where 
many  rays  have  been  gathered  —  we  had  almost  said  at  the  risk  of  good  taste  — 
a  hive,  where  many  bees  had  deposited  honey.  If  it  be  not  as  eloquent  as 
Mason's  Essay  on  this  subject,  or  as  cogent  and  imaginative  as  Milton's  Tracts 
on  it,  we  have  no  hesitaiiou  in  preferring  it  to  either,  for  compass,  variety,  and 
clear  demonstration.' 

From  the  American  Biblical  Repository. 

'  This  well  filled  octavo  volume  has  come  into  our  hands.  Its  leading  subjects, 
as  indicated  in  the  title-page,  are  of  sufficieiU  importance  to  demand  a  thorough 
discussion ;  and  we  agree  with  our  author  in  the  belief  that  the  time  has  come 
when  such  a  discussion  is  necessary  for  the  proper  vindication  of  the  rights  and 
duties  of  the  great  body  of  the  Protestant  ministry  and  churches,  against  the 
assumptions  of  a  portion  of  their  own  number,  who  take  common  ground  with 
Romanists  in  excludin"r  from  the  pale  of  communion  in  the  '  holy,  catholic,  and 
apostolic  church,'  all  who  dissent  from  their  doctrine  of  '  exclusive  apostolic  suc- 
cession.' These  assumptions  are  not  ojily  found  in  many  of  the  old  and  standard 
divines  of  the  Church  of  England,  but  have  been  of  late  zealously  put  forth  in 
the  Oxford  '  Tracts  for  the  Times,'  have  been  avowed  by  English  and  American 
bishops,  and  by  a  great  number  of  the  Episcopal  clergy  of  both  countries ;  and 
the  assurance  with  which  they  are  urged  in  many  recent  publications,  calls  for  a 
patient  and  thorough  examination  of  the  arguments  advanced  in  their  support. 
Such  is  the  work  undertaken  by  our  author.  The  topics  of  the  twenty-one  Lec- 
tures comprised  in  this  volume,  are  as  follows,  etc.  These  subjects  are  discussed 
with  great  earnestness  and  strength  ;  and  the  ample  and  numerous  authorities  by 
which  his  statements  and  reasonings  are  confirmed,  show  that  the  author  has 
spared  no  labor,  and  dispensed  with  no  availaLle  aid,  in  his  investigations.  As 
far  as  we  have  examined  them,  they  appear  to  us  thorough  and  satisfactory,  and 
we  cordially  commend  the  work  to  the  diligent  study  of  our  readers.' 

From  the  Rev.  Samuel  H.  Cox,  D.  D.    Extract  from  a  Letter. 

'  Rev.  and  Dear  Sir:  —  Though  personally  unknown  to  you,  yet  have  I  been 
so  pleased  with  your  Lectures  on  the  Apostolical  Succession,  that  I  thought  it 
but  fair  to  tell  you  of  it.  ...  I  believe  you  are  doing  a  protestant  and  a  christian 
work;  and  while  I  regret  some  incidental  diflerences  of  another  kind  between 
us,  I  am  happy  to  assure  you  of  my  God-speed,  and  of  my  prayers  for  a  blessing 
on  your  labors.' 

From  the  Rev.  Dr.  Lamson. 

Dr.  Lamson  in  his  Lecture  on  the  Uses  of  Ecclesiastical  History,  f  Christian 
Examiner,  Sept.  1842,  p.  12,)  in  alluding  to  the  claims  of  prelacy,  and  the  doc- 
trine of  Apostolical  Succession,  says:  'It  has  been  found  necessary  to  take  the 
field,  and  already  a  goodly  sized  octavo,  manifesting  no  little  industry  and 
research,  has  appeared,  printed  hi  this  city,  though  written  by  a  Presbyterian  of 
the  South,  in  refutation  of  these,  as  we  are  accustomed  to  consider,  perfectly 
absurd  and  obsolete  claims.' 

From  the  Protestant  and  Herald. 

After  .-speaking  of  the  author's  Ecclesiastical  Catechism,  a  writer  in  this  paper 
Bays :  '  He  had  before  prepared  us  for  such  a  treat,  by  favoring  the  Protestant 
Church  with  a  profound,  learned,  and  eloquent  argument  on  '  the  Apostolic  Sue 
cession,'  utterly  refuting  the  exclusive  and  inflated  claims  of  all  High  Churchmen, 
OT^  china  men,'  as  they  have  been  appropriately  styled  iu  the  Biblical  Repertory. 


8  CKITICAL     NOTICES. 

Of  ihis  production  of  his,  I  have  the  means  of  knowing,  that  the  venerable  cham- 
pion in  the  cause^  has  privately  declared  '  that  Mr.  Smyth  has  quoted  books  in  the 
controversy,  virhich  he  had  never  had  the  privilege  of  seeing,  and  which  were 
even  rare  in  Europe.' ' 

From  the  Honorable  Mitchell  King,  of  Charleston,  S.  C. 

'  Rev.  ANn  Dear  Sir  :  —  You  have  done  a  lasting  service  to  the  Presbyterian 
Church,  by  the  publication  of  your  work  on  the  Prelatical  Doctrine  of  the  Apos- 
tolical Succession.  The  question  which  you  there  discuss  lias  assumed  in  our 
times  a  renewed  importance,  from  the  efforts  recently  made  to  claim  for  particu- 
lar bodies  of  Christians  an  exclusive  right  to  the  benefits  of  that  covenant  of 
grace,  which  Christ  came  to  make  with  all  true  believers.  This  question  was, 
as  you  and  I  believe,  long  ago  settled  by  the  thorough  investigations  and  conclu- 
sive arguments  of  men  worthy,  if  mortal  men  can  be  worthy,  of  the  great  cause 
in  which  they  were  engaged;  who  were  influenced  solely  by  the  love  of  truth, 
and  followed  that,  wherever  it  might  lead  them,  without  regard  to  merely  human 
authority ;  and  many  of  whom  sealed  their  testimony  with  their  blood.  These 
times  have  passed  away.  But  earnest  endeavors  have  been  lately  made,  to 
shake  the  confidence  of  many  Christians  in  the  principles  of  their  fathers,  and  to 
overthrow^  their  faith  in  that  Church  which  we  believe  to  be  founded  on  the 
words  of  everlasting  life.  Your  work,  therefore,  I  consider  as  most  seasonable 
and  valuable,  as  reviving  and  spreading  the  knowledge  of  the  fundamental  truths 
on  which  our  Church  rests.  It  contains  a  fuller  review  of  the  reasonings  and 
authorities  on  this  subject,  than  any  other  work  w^ith  which  I  am  acquainted,  and 
will,  I  am  persuaded,  henceforth  be  an  armory  in  which  the  defenders  of  Presby- 
terianism  can  find  weapons  of  proof  ready  prepared  for  them.  That  you  may  go 
forward  in  the  course  which  you  have  so  honorably  begun,  and  that  the  Great 
Head  of  the  Church  may  follow  your  labors  with  his  rich  blessing,  is  the  earnest 
prayer  of,  Rev'd  and  Dear  Sir,  yours  very  truly,  M.  KING. 

From  tlie  Rev.  John  Bachman,  D.  D.,  of  the  German  Lutheran  Church, 
Charleston,  S.  C. 

'  My  Dear  Sir:  —  To  my  mind  your  Lectures  on  the  Apostolical  Succession 
covers  the  whole  ground,  and  is,  without  exception,  the  most  triumphant  vindica- 
tion of  our  views  on  this  subject,  that  I  have  ever  read.  I  regard  the  work  as 
the  most  valuable  contribution  that  has  ever  been  made  to  the  Southern  Church.' 


AN 

ECCLESIASTICAL  CATECHISM 

OF    THE 

PRESBYTERIAN   CHURCH, 

For  the  use  of  Bible  Classes,  Families,  and  Private  Members. 

THIRD   EDITION,   MUCH    IMPROVED. 

T!ds  work  has  been  submitted  to  the  revision  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Miller,  d.  d. 
and  many  others,  and  is  now  published.^  as  approved  by  them,  and  with  their 
emendations. 


CRITICAIi    NOTICES. 

Overture  adopted  by  the  Synod  of  S.  Carolina  and  Geo.  at  its  session  in  1841, 

That  the  publicalion  of  works  intended  to  advocate  the  distinctive  order  and 
polity  of  our  Church  should  be  eiicouragedj  and  their  circulation  among  our 
people  rendered  as  general  as  possible  ;  and  u  having  come  to  the  knowledge  of 
this  Synod,  that  one  of  their  number,  the  Rev.  Thomas  Smyth,  of  Charleston,  has 
recently  given  to  the  Church,  among  other  valuable  publications,  'An  Ecclesias- 
tical Catechism  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  for  the  use  of  Families,  Bible 
Classes,  and  Private  Members,' — and  a  series  of  Lectures  on  'The  Prelatical 
Doctrine  of  Apostolical  Succession  Examined,  and  the  Protestant  Ministry 
Defended  against  the  Asumptions  of  Popery  and  High  Churchism.'  Therefore, 
Resolved,  Thai  the  Synod  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  regard  with  pleasure 
and  approbation  these  publications,  as  containing  an  able  defence  of  the  divine 
authority  of  the  Protestant  JMinistry,  and  a  full  and  salistactory  exposition  of  the 
order  and  government  of  our  Church ;  and  as  demanded  by  the  present  state  of 
the  controversy  on  these  subjects.  And  the  Synod  does,  therefore,  cordially 
recommend  the  said  publications  to  all  our  Ministers.  Elders,  and  private  mem- 
bers, as  works  of  high  value,  and  calculated  to  advance  the  intelligence  of  our 
Church,  on  our  distinctive  peculiarities.and  doctrines. 

From  the  Biblical  Repertory,  for  January,  1841. 

*  Mr.  Smyth  must  be  regarded  as  among  the  most  efiicient  and  active  authors 
in  the  Presbyterian  Church.  His  valuai)le  work  on  the  'Apostolical  Succession,' 
reviewed  in  a  preceding  part  of  this  number,  is  a  monument  of  his  reading  and 
industry,  which  has  been  extensively  acknowledged.  The  '  Ecclesiastical  Cat- 
echism '  before  us,  is  another  present  to  the  Church  wiih  which  Mr.  Smyth  i.s 
connected,  which  we  think  adapted  to  be  universally  esteemed,  and  highly  useful. 
It  is,  as  all  such  manuals  ought  lo  be,  brief,  comprehensive,  simple,  adapted  to 
weak  capacities,  and  yet  sufficiently  instructive  to  gratify  the  most  intelligent 
minds.  The  Scriptural  quotations  to  illustrate  and  establish  the  principles  he 
lays  down,  are  perhaps,  in  some  cas.es,  imnecessarily  numerous,  and  in  a  few 
instances,  of  questionable  application.  But  it  is  on  the  whole  so  well  executed, 
and  possesses  so  much  solid  merit,  thai  we  hope  it  may  be  extensively  circulated 
and  used.' 


2  CRITICAL     N0TICB3. 

From  the  Rev.  Geo.  Howe,  D.  D.,  Professor  in  the  Theological  Seminary  of  the 
Synod  of  South  Carolina  and  G-eorgia. 

'  The  design  and  the  execution  are  excellent.  It  contains  a  more  complete 
explanation  of  the  order  and  government  of  our  Church,  than  I  have  ever  before 
seen  in  so  small  a  compass.  1  think  it  admiral)ly  adapted  to  the  purposes  for 
which  it  was  designed,  and  could  wish  to  see  it  ni  every  Presbyterian  family, 
and  studied  by  all  our  young  people,  as  an  appendix  to  the  doctrinal  catechisms.' 

From  The  Presbyterian. 

'  We  have  received  a  neat  and  well-printed  little  volume  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty-four  pages,  entitled  'An  Ecclesiastical  Catechism  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church,  for  the  use  of  Families,  Bible  Classes,  and  Private  Members:'  by  Rev. 
Thomas  Smyth,  Pastor  of  the  Second  Presl)yterian  Church,  Charleston,  S.  C, 
into  which  the  author  has  compressed  a  large  amount  of  very  valuable  matter, 
explanatory  and  illustrative  of  Church  order,  and  which  we  regard  as  particularly 
serviceable  at  the  present  time,  as  sujiplying  a  desideratum  in  the  education  of 
Presbyterian  youth.  Although  the  author  modestly  remarks,  that  his  Catechism 
is  an  attempt  rather  than  an  actual  accompiish'ment  of  all  that  he  believes  to  be 
demanded  by  the  necessities  of  the  Church,  yet  from  the  attention  we  have  been 
able  to  bestow  on  it,  we  should  regard  the  execution  of  the  attempt  as  highly 
creditable,  and  we  believe  the  book  to  be  deserving  of  an  immediate  adoption  in 
the  instruction  of  the  youth  of  our  Church.' 

From  the  Christian  Intelligencer,  of  the  Reformed  Dutch  Church,  N.  Y, 

*  The  members  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  should  possess  a  full  and  satisfactory 
acquaintance  with  the  principles  of  Presbyterian  government,  polity,  and  worship. 
This  little  volume  is  exceedingly  well  adapted  to  aid  in  gaining  this  acquaint- 
ance, and  is  suited  for  general  and  popular  use.  While  industrious  efforts  are 
employed  by  other  denominations  in  opposition  to  these  principles,  it  is  highly 
important  and  desirable  that  a  popular  maimal,  in  elucidation  and  vindication  of 
their  creeds,  as  is  provided  in  this  volume,  should  be  circulated.  The  following 
are  the  subjects  of  the  chapters,  each  of  which  contains  several  sections,  or  sub- 
divisions —  I.  The  Church.  IT.  Governments  of  the  Church.  III.  Otiicers  of 
the  Church.  IV.  Courts  of  the  Church.  V.  Power  of  the  Church.  VI.  Fellow- 
Bhip  of  the  Church.  VII.  Relation  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  to  other  denomi- 
nations. The  catechetical  form  of  the  work,  and  the  copious  scripture-references 
and  authorities,  adapt  it  to  the  use  of  instruction.  Such  a  volume  as  this  was 
needed  ;  and  we  feel  indebted  to  Mr.  Smyth  for  the  preparationof  it,  as  we  deem 
it,  in  matter  and  manner,  meeting  the  desideratum  required,' 

From  the  Charleston  Observer. 

'Of  the  first  edition  of  this  work  we  spoke  in  terms  of  commendation.  But 
this  is  a  very  considerable  improvement,  not  only  in  the  style  in  which  it  is  gotten 
up  —  for  it  is  very  neatly  printed  and  bound  —  but  in  the  arrangement  and  matter. 
It  supplies  a  place  that  is  needed,  and  yet  it  is  issued  merely  as  an  attempt  to 
furnish  the  Church  with  a  brief  compend  of  her  worship  and  polity.  As  a 
denomination,  we  have  been  remiss  in  the  duty  of  letting  the  principles  and  polity 
of  our  Church  be  generally  known.  Many  of  our  own  members  need  informa- 
tion on  this  subject,  thai  they  may  be  established  in  the  truth  and  order  of  the 
house  of  God.  And  information  is  needed  also  by  others,  to  correct  the  erroneous 
impressions  respecting  it.  which  have  been  designedly  or  undesignedly  made  upon 
their  minds.     The  work  deserves  general  circiilation.' 

From  the  New  York  Observer. 

'  The  preparation  of  this  little  work  was  the  resuh  of  a  suggestion  by  Rev.  Dr. 
Miller,  of  Princeton;  and  in  it  the  author  has  presented  the  peculiar  features  of 
the  form  of  Government  in  the  Presbyterian  Church,  in  questions  and  answers, 
and  in  simple  language,  that  the  sentiments  inculcated  may  be  readily  learned 
and  remembered  by  the  young.' 


CRITICAL     NOTICKS  3 

From  the  Protestant  and  Herald. 

'Mr.  Editor:  —  During  the  past  winter,  the  Female  Bible  Class  of  my  pas- 
toral charge,  have  memorized  '  The  Ecclesiastical  Catechism,''  prepared  l)y  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Smyth,  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  I  make  this  statement  in  your 
columns,  in  order  to  excite  and  secure  the  attention  of  your  readers  to  the  utility 
and  value  of  that  little  volume.  The  ladies  have  manifested  an  unusual  degree 
of  delight  and  enthusiasm  in  their  recitations.  The  result  has  been,  if  I  mistake 
not,  '  a  full  and  comprehensive  acquaintance  with  the  principles  of  the  worship 
and  polity  of  our  Church.'  Such  was  the  hope  of  its  worthy  and  able  author  in 
the  preparation  of  his  book.  The  proof-texts  are  generally  printed  at  length  in 
the  Catechism.  AVithout  attempting  an  analysis  ot'  this  book,  allow  me  to  urge 
Pastors,  and  Ruling  Elders,  and  Deacons,  and  Sunday  School  Teachers  in  our 
Churches,  to  procure  this  interesting  and  attractive  and  cheap  compend  of  Church 
order,  and  indoctrinate  their  families  and  pupils  into  these  cherished  principles  of 
our  denomination.  Are  we  not,  as  a  body  of  people,  quite  remiss  in  this  high 
duty?  Let  the  standard-bearers  in  our  host,  bestir  themselves  as  they  ought,  to 
circulate  this  work,  as  a  Presbyterian  Sabbath  School  book,  and  make  it,  if  you 
please,  what  it  deserves  to  be,  next  to  our  Larger  and  Shorter  Catechism  — 
a  Presbyterian  classic  in  all  our  family  instructions.' 

From  the  Magnolia,  a  Literary  Magazine  and  Monthly  Review. 

'  This  little  volume  was  meant  for,  and  is  acknowledged  to  have  supplied  a 
want,  among  the  members  of  the  Presbyterian  Church.  It  is  a  copious  compila- 
tion, containing  a  large  amount  of  religious  information,  and  we  take  for  granted, 
that,  among  the  class  of  Christians  for  whose  use  it  was  prepared,  it  is  far 
superior  to  any  thing  of  the  sort  which  had  ever  been  offered  them  before.  It 
shows  industry,  reading,  and  analysis.' 

From  the  American  Biblical  Repository. 

'  This  little  volume  is  issued  by  the  same  publishers  as  the  preceding  work,  by 
the  same  author.  It  is  a  well-digested  system  of  questions  and  answers  on  the 
Church,  its  government,  —  its  officers,  —  its  courts,  —  its  powers,  —  its  fellowship, 
and  the  relation  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  to  other  denominations.  It  is  a  use- 
ful manual  for  Presbyterians,  and  may  be  mstruclive  to  others.' 


ALSO,  BY  THE  SAME  AUTHOR, 

SOLACE  FOR  BEREAVED  PARENTS; 

OR,    INFANTS    DIE    TO    LIVE. 

With  a  Historical  Account  of  the  Doctrine  of  Infant  Salvation. 

'  The  doctrine  of  the  Salvation  of  Infants  is  ably  defended  in  this  little  volume, 
and  the  sweet  consolation  of  this  belief  is  tendered  to  parents  whom  God  has 
bereaved.  Enemies  of  Calvinism  have  delighted  to  misrepresent  its  friends  on 
this  point,  and  to  them  we  comitiend  the  book  ;  as  well  as  to  those  who  love,  with 
Jesus,  to  say  of  little  children, '  of  such  is  the  Kingdom.' ' — New  York  Observer. 


A  FORM    FOR    THE 

SOLEMNIZATION  OF  MARRIAGE 

ACCORDING  TO  THE  ORDER  OF  THE  PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCH. 


TRACTS    ON    PRESBYTERIANISM.     1  Vol.  12mo. 


ALSO,    BY    THE    SAME    AUTHOR, 
JUST    PUBLISHED, 

PRESEYTERY   AND    NOT    PRELACY 

THE    SCRIPTURAL   AND    PRIMITIVE    POLITY, 

PKOVED  FROM  THE  TESTIMONIES  OF  SCRIPTURE  ;   THE   FATHERS  ;   THE    SCHOOL- 
MEN ;   THE    REFORMERS  j   AND   THE    ENGLISH   AND   ORIENTAL   CHURCHES. 

ALSO,  THE   ANTIQUITY   OF  PRESBYTERY; 

INCLUDING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  ANCIENT  CULDEES,  AND  OF  ST.  PATRICK. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  REPUBLICANISM; 

OR  THa    REPDBLIOANISM,   LIBERALITY,    AND    OATHOLIOITT    OF 

PRESBYTERY, 
IN    CONTRAST    WITH    PRELACY    AND    POPEHY. 


PREPARING   FOR   PUBLICATION, 
AN  ABRIDGED  EDITION  OF  THE  AUTHORS  WORK  ON 

THE    PRELATICAL    DOCTRINE 

OF   THE 

APOSTOLICAL    SUCCESSION, 

PREPARED,  AT  HIS  REQUEST,  BY  THE 

REV.    JOSEPH    TRACY, 

AUTHOR    OK   THE    GREAT    AWAKENING,    HISTORT    OF   THE   A.    B.    O. 
FOB    FOREIGN    MISSIONS,    &C. 


P'l'.'iceton  Theolocjical  Seminary  Libraries 


1    1012   01185   4306 


DATE  DUE 

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GAYLORO 

P«,NTrO..U..       ! 

